article on indo -china dispute post covid 19 in 150-200 words
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In December, while Wuhan province was witnessing the beginning of the actual Covid-19 pandemic, India was facing massive and violent uprisings. Hundreds of thousands of Indians protested all over the country against the discriminatory anti-Muslim citizenship law that had just been passed by its parliament—the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA)—and as a backlash violent attacks occurred on universities and Muslim working-class neighbourhoods by armed vigilantes. All this while the authorities were negating the presence of community transmission of the virus despite the first cases appearing way back in January to finally declare a 21-day lockdown on the midnight of 24 March, with only a 4 hour notice. This announcement, as in France, has triggered migration from the cities to the countryside, but of a completely different nature: in India, the internal migrant workers, day labourers and the poor—deprived of resources—have decided to return to their native villages. This tragic and deadly exodus of migrants fleeing cities is the most visible stigmata of the profound health, economic and social crisis that this threefold essay offers to analyse.
What does “lockdown” mean in a context where people, not just the poorest, depend on mobility and sociability to make a living? Using culturalist clichés, many media have highlighted the “cultural” difficulty of accepting the principle of social distancing. Long before being a “cultural” issue, and if this argument is valid, in economies where informal employment is the rule rather than the exception, and where social protection remains the privilege of a minority, social connection and movement are simply necessary for survival and protection.
India is characterized by the extent of informal employment. According to ILO statistics, 92% of jobs are informal in the sense that they exclude any form of protection, contract and guarantee of continuity (ILO 2016). India is also characterized by the crucial role of internal migration and circulation (Breman 2007; Picherit 2018). Largely underestimated by official statistics, these displacements give rise to various estimates of up to 100 million workers (Deshingkar and Akter 2009). While these workers’ movements have always existed, they have undoubtedly increased to meet the needs of a capitalist economy always in search of cheap and disciplined labour. Internal migration includes long-distance, inter-state migration, with massive flows from the poorest states in north-eastern India to the most employment-intensive states located in the west and south. Internal migration also includes short term forms of commuting from villages to nearby towns. With the massive decline in agriculture in recent decades, and even as India resists the rural exodus, many villagers survive by moving daily to nearby urban centres. Some of these migrants settle in cities, swelling the miserable mass of slums, but most remain attached to their home villages. The Indian labour force, and men in particular, is thus caught in a continuous flow, moving with the seasons and years according to opportunities, networks, and above all the needs of the capitalist system, while regularly returning home. The latter remains the pivot of family and village roots and identity.
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