defects of FPTP system
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In a first-past-the-post (FPTP or FPP; sometimes formally called single-member plurality voting or SMP) electoral system, voters cast their vote for a candidate of their choice, and the candidate who receives the most votes wins (irrespective of vote share). FPTP is a plurality voting method, and is primarily used in systems that use single-member electoral divisions. FPTP is used as the primary form of allocating seats for legislative elections in about a third of the world's countries, mostly in the English-speaking world.
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Disadvantages of FPTP:
- It excludes smaller parties from ‘fair’ representation, in the sense that a party which wins approximately, say, 10 per cent of the votes should win approximately 10 per cent of the legislative seats.
- In the 1993 federal election in Canada, the Progressive Conservatives won 16 per cent of the votes but only 0.7 per cent of the seats, and in the 1998 general election in Lesotho, the Basotho National Party won 24 per cent of the votes but only 1 per cent of the seats. This is a pattern which is repeated time and time again under FPTP.
- It excludes minorities from fair representation.
- As a rule, under FPTP, parties put up the most broadly acceptable candidate in a particular district so as to avoid alienating the majority of electors.
- Thus it is rare, for example, for a black candidate to be given a major party’s nomination in a majority white district in the UK or the USA, and there is strong evidence that ethnic and racial minorities across the world are far less likely to be represented in legislatures elected by FPTP.
- In consequence, if voting behaviour does dovetail with ethnic divisions, then the exclusion from representation of members of ethnic minority groups can be destabilizing for the political system as a whole.
- It excludes women from the legislature.
- The ‘most broadly acceptable candidate’ syndrome also affects the ability of women to be elected to legislative office because they are often less likely to be selected as candidates by male-dominated party structures.
- Although the evidence across the world suggests that women are less likely to be elected to the legislature under plurality/majority systems than under PR ones, some variation resulting of data from two studies by the Inter-Parlamentary Union (IPU) in 2004 and 2013 is worth mentioning: whereas women had representation to 15.6% of the seats of the low chambers in the different parliaments in 2004, this percentage amounts to 20.1% by 2012.
- Moreover, and here is where we find the most representative variation, a comparison made in 2004 in established democracies showed that the average of women in the legislatures of countries with majority systems was 14.4%, while the quantity increased to 27.6% in countries with proportional systems, almost the double; in this same comparison made in 2012, the gap decreases slightly as the average of women in legislatures with majority system is 14% and 25% in proportional systems.
- In part, this may be explained by the implementation of policies that have regulated or promoted gender equity within countries, such as having a certain amount of seats reserved for women.
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