Discuss any 3 reasons that highlights the negative influence of dynastic succession in a political party.
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The alliance between Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party and Congress Vice-President Rahul Gandhi’s Congress has been popularly perceived as a symbiotic strategy of two dynasts seeking to preserve their political empires. Gandhi represents the fourth generation of the Nehru-Gandhi family in electoral politics post-Independence. Akhilesh Yadav is the second-generation politician, who has grabbed the royal spectre of Uttar Pradesh’s reigning Yadav dynasty, which his father Mulayam Singh Yadav inaugurated.
Dynasts of rival parties have often come under fire from Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who derisively referred to Rahul Gandhi as shahzada or prince during the 2014 Lok Sabha election campaign. Yet, ironically, his Bharatiya Janata Party has given the party ticket to a slew of dynasts in the ongoing Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections.
Home Minister Rajnath Singh’s son, Pankaj Singh, has been fielded from Noida; BJP MP Hukum Singh’s daughter, Mriganka, is contesting in Kairana, from where it had been falsely claimed that Muslims had compelled Hindus to migrate. Nilima Katiyar, daughter of former UP Minister Premlata Katiyar, is in the fray in Kalyanpur, where Kanpur’s prestigious Indian Institute of Technology is located.
For abandoning the Congress ship, Rita Bahuguna, daughter of the late Hemwati Nanda Bahuguna, a Congress stalwart, has been awarded the BJP ticket from Lucknow Cantonment, from where she won in 2012. Her brother and former Uttarakhand Chief Minister Vijay Bahuguna’s son Saurabh is now a BJP candidate, as is former Chief Minister BC Khanduri’s daughter Ritu.
Others in the BJP trying to script dynastic succession are veteran politician Lalji Tandon, former chief minister Kalyan Singh, senior leader Brahm Dutt Dwivedi and Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh, an MP who’s widely described as a mafia don. These examples vividly illustrate the depth to which dynasticism has struck roots in Indian polity.
Indeed, almost all political parties are dynastic, but some are more so than others. This is one of the many conclusions of Democratic Dynasties: State, Party and Family in Contemporary Indian Politics, which Kanchan Chandra, a New York University professor, has edited. The book mines a rich vein of data on the composition of the three Lok Sabhas elected in 2004, 2009 and 2014.
Lok Sabha representation in some of the major political parties.
Lok Sabha representation in some of the major political parties.
Table 1 shows dynastic MPs accounted for 20.07% of the 543 members of the Lok Sabha in 2004, grew to a high of 30.07% in 2009, and dipped to 21.92% in 2014. Then again, 36% of the parties represented in Parliament have leaders with a dynastic background.
But for the BJP, the Congress and, to an extent, the communist parties, most Indian parties have their footprints confined to a state. Dynastic leaders, for a variety of reasons, are generally inclined to nominating members of political families to contest elections, whether to the Assembly or the Lok Sabha, suggesting that the fairly high incidence of dynasticism at the national level is more than likely to be replicated in the states.
The negative influence of dynastic succession in a political party:
Dynastic succession and nepotism is a two things that influence the democracy and gave negative aspects of political party and the internal democracy is also affected.
Once the internal democracy affected, then the internal democracy of the parties is also affected in the country.
Then the often dynastic tendencies within parties, new political Leadership is developed and the ideological development of the party.
The dynastic succession results from the desire of a few to concentrate power in the country.
These are negative influence among democracy by dynastic succession in the country.
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