Evaluate the extent to which the government has contributed to Ubuntu
Answers
Answer:
ɢᴏᴠᴇʀɴᴍᴇɴᴛ ᴄᴏɴᴛʀɪʙᴜᴛɪᴏɴ ɪɴ ᴘʀᴏᴠɪᴅɪɴɢ sᴏᴄɪᴀʟ ɢʀᴀɴᴅs.
ᴇxᴘʟᴀɴᴀᴛɪᴏɴ:
sᴏᴄɪᴀʟ ɢʀᴀɴᴛs ᴀʀᴇ ғᴜɴᴅs ᴛʜᴀᴛ ᴀʀᴇ ᴘʀᴏᴠɪᴅᴇᴅ ʙʏ ᴛʜᴇ ɢᴏᴠᴇʀɴᴍᴇɴᴛ ғᴏʀ ᴛʜᴏsᴇ ᴡʜᴏ ᴀʀᴇ ɪɴ ɴᴇᴇᴅ ᴏғ ᴅɪʀᴇᴄᴛ ɢᴏᴠᴇʀɴᴍᴇɴᴛᴀʟ ʜᴇʟᴘ. ɢᴏᴠᴇʀɴᴍᴇɴᴛ ᴏғ ɪɴᴅɪᴀ ʜᴀs ᴄᴏɴᴛʀɪʙᴜᴛᴇᴅ ɪɴ ᴍᴀɴʏ ᴡᴀʏs ᴡɪᴛʜ ɪᴛs sᴏᴄɪᴀʟ ɢʀᴀɴᴛs. ᴛʜʀᴏᴜɢʜ ғᴜɴᴅɪɴɢ ɢᴏᴠᴇʀɴᴍᴇɴᴛᴀʟ ᴀɴᴅ ɴᴏɴ ɢᴏᴠᴇʀɴᴍᴇɴᴛᴀʟ ᴏʀɢᴀɴɪsᴀᴛɪᴏɴ ᴛʜᴀᴛ ᴀʀᴇ ᴡᴏʀᴋɪɴɢ ғᴏʀ ᴛʜᴇ ᴘᴜʙʟɪᴄ ᴡᴇʟғᴀʀᴇ.
ɢᴏᴠᴇʀɴᴍᴇɴᴛ ʜᴀs ᴄᴏɴᴛʀɪʙᴜᴛᴇᴅ ɪᴛs sᴏᴄɪᴀʟ ɢʀᴀɴᴛs ᴛᴏ ᴄʀᴇᴀᴛᴇ ᴀᴡᴀʀᴇɴᴇss ғᴏʀ ᴠᴀʀɪᴏᴜs sᴏᴄɪᴀʟ ɪssᴜᴇs ᴀᴍᴏɴɢ ᴛʜᴇ ᴘᴜʙʟɪᴄ. ɪᴛ ʜᴀs ᴘʀᴏᴠɪᴅᴇᴅ sᴄʜᴏʟᴀʀsʜɪᴘs ғᴏʀ sᴛᴜᴅᴇɴᴛs ᴡʜᴏ ᴀʀᴇ ɪɴ ɴᴇᴇᴅ ᴏғ ɢᴏᴠᴇʀɴᴍᴇɴᴛᴀʟ ᴀɪᴅ ғᴏʀ ʜɪɢʜᴇʀ sᴛᴜᴅɪᴇs.
sᴏᴄɪᴀʟ ɢʀᴀɴᴛs ᴏғ ɢᴏᴠᴇʀɴᴍᴇɴᴛ ʜᴀᴠᴇ ᴀʟsᴏ ᴄᴏɴᴛʀɪʙᴜᴛᴇᴅ ɪɴ ᴄʀᴇᴀᴛɪɴɢ ʜᴏᴜsɪɴɢ ғᴀᴄɪʟɪᴛɪᴇs. ᴍᴇᴅɪᴄᴀʟ ɪɴsᴜʀᴀɴᴄᴇ ᴄᴏᴠᴇʀᴀɢᴇ ғᴏʀ ʙᴇʟᴏᴡ ᴘᴏᴠᴇʀᴛʏ ʟɪɴᴇ ᴘᴇᴏᴘʟᴇ.
ɢᴏᴠᴇʀɴᴍᴇɴᴛ ᴏғ ɪɴᴅɪᴀ ʜᴀs ɢʀᴀɴᴛᴇᴅ sᴏᴄɪᴀʟ ɢʀᴀɴᴛs ғᴏʀ ᴍᴀɴʏ ᴡᴇʟғᴀʀᴇ ᴍᴇᴀsᴜʀᴇs.
Answer:
There are competing interpretations of ubuntu as a moral theory, and these various understandings of it entail diverging moral-political responses to real problems in the world. The Marikana massacre is one such moral-political problem, and the various interpretations of ubuntu might recommend various responses to it. This article, in some sense, critiques, and, simultaneously, supplements Thad Metz's relational interpretation of ubuntu that recommends reconciliation as the best response the government could offer to the Marikana massacre. Unlike Metz, I adopt a self-realisation approach to ubuntu, and argue that Marikana must be understood within the broad narrative of historical injustices with cheap black labour as the core of the issues. I proceed to argue that the government needs to address some of the vestiges of cheap labour that is part of the core causes of protests before we can talk meaningfully about reconciliation.