Forms of capital relevant in sociology of education
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AbstractIn this article we adopt a Bourdieu‐based approach to study social inequalities in perceptions of mental and physical health. Most research takes into account the impact of economic or social capital on health inequalities. Bourdieu, however, distinguishes between three forms of capital that can determine peoples' social position: economic, social and cultural capital. Health research examining the effects of cultural capital is scarce. By simultaneously considering and modelling indicators of each of Bourdieu's forms of capital, we further the understanding of the dynamics of health inequalities. Using data from a large‐scale representative survey (N = 1825) in Flanders, Belgium, we find that each of the forms of capital has a net effect on perceptions of physical and mental health, which persists after controlling for the other forms of capital and for the effects of other correlates of perceived health. The only exception is that the cultural capital indicators are not related to mental health. These results confirm the value of a Bourdieu‐based approach and indicate the need to consider economic, social and cultural capital to obtain a better understanding of social inequality in health.IntroductionSocial position remains an important determinant of health: ‘differential health status is probably the most enduring and incontrovertible indication of class’ (Bennett et al. 2009: 152). More research, however, is necessary to fully understand the dynamics of the social divide in health (Mackenbach 2012).In this article we examine the usefulness of Bourdieu's theory of capital in studying differences in physical and mental health. Bourdieu (1984) argues that people from different social positions differ from one another with regard to their possession of three forms of capital: social, cultural and economic capital. Each of these forms of capital can be considered as a resource that might be useful for acquiring or maintaining good health:The resources needed to select or adopt specific health‐relevant lifestyles emerge from the interplay between economic, social and cultural capital. In this dynamic form social inequalities affect – through collective behavioural variations – people's health status and risks. (Abel 2008: 3)Recent health research has paid much attention to economic and social capital but cultural capital lags behind in relevant studies.By adopting a Bourdieusian approach and consequently considering the three forms of capital, this article furthers discussions on social determinants of health in two ways. Firstly, by simultaneously including indicators of the three forms of capital we can assess the net effects of each of them. Secondly, we pay particular attention to the cultural capital component, which remains largely unexplored in health research to date, and include measurements for institutionalised (education) and embodied (cultural participation) cultural capital.The social gradient in healthThe social gradient in health refers to the gradual positive association between social position and health that is observed for a wide variety of health indicators (Adler et al. 1994). This gradient implies that each improvement or worsening of someone's social position is associated with a similar change in health. Although the direction of causality could be questioned, research shows that it is social position that impacts on health (Carpiano et al. 2008).Despite all research on the social gradient, questions remain about its existence and persistence (Mackenbach 2012). Moreover, a great deal of discussion remains concerning the definition and operationalisation of social position. Carpiano, Link, and Phelan (2008) attribute this to the complex nature of social position: ‘Social class remains largely a “black box” of causal factors and mechanisms’ (p. 246). Even with regard to the terminology there is no consensus: the terms social class, social status, social inequality, social stratification and socioeconomic position are used seemingly at random without any reference to the theoretical background (Liberatos et al. 1998). As Krieger et al. (1997: 342) posit:When socioeconomic data are included in public health analyses, they often are presented with little or no theoretical justification, are measured and modelled eclectically, and are primarily used by researchers to ‘control’ for, rather than study the effects of, socioeconomic position on health.Prandy (1999) also refers to the multidimensional nature of social position which should be taken into account in its measurement.In summary, we can say that a great deal of work has been done with regard to examining the social gradient in health. However, questions remain and appropriate measurements of social position should be taken into account. In this regard, a Bourdieusian approach toward social position seems promising (Abel 2007 2008, Veenstra 2007). We will discuss its merits in detail in the following section.
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in today world education is very important .education is the most powerful weapon which you can change the world.many schools are also organized shikshakendra for poor children to study.
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