Give an example to show that gender roles are functional within a family?
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Answer:
Our second goal was to explore the conditions under which family patterns of gender role attitudes emerged. Given that the purpose of cluster analysis is to discover rather than enforce a predetermined structure on the data (Whiteman & Loken, 2006), we could not precisely predict how many subgroups would be found, nor how these subgroups would be linked to other family conditions. However, previous literature targets some family conditions that are related to gender traditionality of parents and children: If we were successful in identifying subgroups of more and less traditional families, we would then expect significant differences between these subgroups in family factors, including SES, parents' time spent on gendered household tasks, parents' time with children, and the sex constellation of sibling dyads.
Family SES
Evidence that socioeconomic factors may affect family gender role attitudes includes findings that women and men who have higher educational attainment and income express more egalitarian gender role orientations (e.g., Crompton & Lyonette, 2005; Lackey, 1989). Within the educational system in the US, students are exposed to egalitarian ideas and both female and male role models, and are taught to identify gender myths and stereotypes (Brooks & Bolzendahl, 2004; Cassidy & Warren, 1996). In addition, higher education levels provide both women and men with training and credentials for higher paying jobs and, in turn, the ability to contribute to the family economy (Raley, Mattingly, & Bianchi, 2006). Longitudinal studies based on nationally representative samples in the US have shown that wives tend to be more egalitarian when they contribute more to the total family income (Zou & Tang, 2000). Consistent with a social learning perspective, children from more economically advantaged family backgrounds also have more egalitarian gender attitudes (e.g., Antill, Cunningham, & Cotton, 2003; Kulik, 2002).
Parents' Time Spent on Gendered Household Tasks
As noted, children learn about gender appropriate behaviors by observing the behaviors of their parents. Over time, their knowledge consolidates to form cognitive schema which later organize new knowledge about gender and channel gendered behaviors (Martin & Ruble, 2004). Based on data from a 31-year panel study of US families, Cunningham (2001) found that parents' division of housework, measured when children were about one year of age, predicted children's later participation in household tasks in their own marriages. Specifically, fathers' contribution to stereotypically feminine housework predicted sons' involvement in the same type of work in adulthood. Cunningham's findings, along with other studies on household task division (e.g., Blair, 1992; White & Brinkerhoff, 1981), point to the importance of parents' time spent on housework in children's gender role development: Non-traditional allocation of housework is likely to promote egalitarian attitudes within the family.
Parents' Time with Children
Another family process that may affect children's gender role attitudes is fathers' temporal involvement (Risman & Myers, 1997). Child care is a stereotypically feminine activity, and marks a less traditional family role for fathers. This may be especially the case when fathers spend time with daughters. On the other hand, within-family comparisons have shown that fathers are more inclined toward sex-typed activities with children (especially boys) than are mothers (Harris & Morgan, 1991; Crouter, McHale, & Bartko, 1993). As reviewed by Maccoby (2003), fathers-son dyads engaged in almost twice as much rough-and-tumble play as mother-son dyads in experimental settings. Fathers also react more negatively to crying, fearfulness, or signs of feebleness in sons than in daughters. These data suggest that, although fathers' involvement with children, generally, reflects a more egalitarian gender role orientation, high level of paternal involvement selectively with sons may reinforce a more traditional gender ideology.
Explanation:
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Our second goal was to explore the conditions under which family patterns of gender role attitudes emerged. Given that the purpose of cluster analysis is to discover rather than enforce a predetermined structure on the data (Whiteman & Loken, 2006), we could not precisely predict how many subgroups would be found, nor how these subgroups would be linked to other family conditions. However, previous literature targets some family conditions that are related to gender traditionality of parents and children: If we were successful in identifying subgroups of more and less traditional families, we would then expect significant differences between these subgroups in family factors, including SES, parents' time spent on gendered household tasks, parents' time with children, and the sex constellation of sibling dyads.
Family SES
Evidence that socioeconomic factors may affect family gender role attitudes includes findings that women and men who have higher educational attainment and income express more egalitarian gender role orientations (e.g., Crompton & Lyonette, 2005; Lackey, 1989). Within the educational system in the US, students are exposed to egalitarian ideas and both female and male role models, and are taught to identify gender myths and stereotypes (Brooks & Bolzendahl, 2004; Cassidy & Warren, 1996). In addition, higher education levels provide both women and men with training and credentials for higher paying jobs and, in turn, the ability to contribute to the family economy (Raley, Mattingly, & Bianchi, 2006). Longitudinal studies based on nationally representative samples in the US have shown that wives tend to be more egalitarian when they contribute more to the total family income (Zou & Tang, 2000). Consistent with a social learning perspective, children from more economically advantaged family backgrounds also have more egalitarian gender attitudes (e.g., Antill, Cunningham, & Cotton, 2003; Kulik, 2002).
Parents' Time Spent on Gendered Household Tasks
As noted, children learn about gender appropriate behaviors by observing the behaviors of their parents. Over time, their knowledge consolidates to form cognitive schema which later organize new knowledge about gender and channel gendered behaviors (Martin & Ruble, 2004). Based on data from a 31-year panel study of US families, Cunningham (2001) found that parents' division of housework, measured when children were about one year of age, predicted children's later participation in household tasks in their own marriages. Specifically, fathers' contribution to stereotypically feminine housework predicted sons' involvement in the same type of work in adulthood. Cunningham's findings, along with other studies on household task division (e.g., Blair, 1992; White & Brinkerhoff, 1981), point to the importance of parents' time spent on housework in children's gender role development: Non-traditional allocation of housework is likely to promote egalitarian attitudes within the family.
Parents' Time with Children
Another family process that may affect children's gender role attitudes is fathers' temporal involvement (Risman & Myers, 1997). Child care is a stereotypically feminine activity, and marks a less traditional family role for fathers. This may be especially the case when fathers spend time with daughters. On the other hand, within-family comparisons have shown that fathers are more inclined toward sex-typed activities with children (especially boys) than are mothers (Harris & Morgan, 1991; Crouter, McHale, & Bartko, 1993). As reviewed by Maccoby (2003), fathers-son dyads engaged in almost twice as much rough-and-tumble play as mother-son dyads in experimental settings. Fathers also react more negatively to crying, fearfulness, or signs of feebleness in sons than in daughters. These data suggest that, although fathers' involvement with children, generally, reflects a more egalitarian gender role orientation, high level of paternal involvement selectively with sons may reinforce a more traditional gender ideology.
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