history of some chronic disease..
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Answer:
the disease that occur over a period of time and last longer, or even for a lifetime.
Answer:
Chronic diseases have become one of the most important problems of the twenty-first century. In 2010, they comprised seven of the top ten causes of death, afflicted half of all U.S. adults, and accounted for the majority of healthcare expenditures.1 Yet, the problem of chronic disease remains elusive. Chronic conditions are incredibly varied, ranging from asthma to arthritis, from cancers to epilepsy. They are often called “noncommunicable,” yet many infectious diseases such as hepatitis and tuberculosis are considered both communicable and chronic. They can occur in anyone at any time, but as Gerald Grob points out, they are increasingly likely at older ages. Although they have become the target of recent health campaigns in the developing world, George Weisz documents how the concept of chronic disease was uniquely potent for American policymakers. While massive resources have been poured into solving them, chronic diseases remain one of the most expansive, and unresolved, problems of medicine and policy.
How they emerged, expanded, and reshaped the meanings of health and disease is a complex history explored by two recent books in very different ways. George Weisz's Chronic Disease in the Twentieth Century examines the “meta-concept” of chronic disease, its role in health policy discussions, and the focus on working-age adults that mobilized American policymakers. Gerald Grob's Aging Bones offers a case study of osteoporosis, tracing how the rise of severe skeletal symptoms in a small group of older women was transformed into a global public health hazard based on bone density. Despite sharply different approaches, they address common themes. Both authors explore the growing importance of chronic diseases to research, policy, and clinical care over the course of the twentieth century. They reflect the changing relationships between aging and chronic disease and the unresolved tensions between chronic disease and disability. They demonstrate how the connections between age, gender, and poverty shaped historical narratives of chronic illness. Taken together, these books show how the very category of chronic disease became contested territory amid shifting disease boundaries and rising epidemiological importance.
In the first half of the twentieth century, infant mortality and infectious diseases came increasingly under medical and public health control. Yet, Weisz argues, this did not explain why the broad category of chronic disease would become so important to American health policies. Weisz challenges the prevailing view that the epidemiologic transition—the shifting burden from infectious to noninfectious disease—allowed chronic disease to emerge as a serious health problem. He argues that the significance of chronic disease was not merely a product of changing disease patterns or even careful medical monitoring. It was, instead, an “American policy construct” that transformed a group of disparate conditions into a powerful category for thinking about and organizing health policies.
Weisz identifies three central developments during the interwar period that brought new meaning to the concept of chronic disease as a national health problem. Periodic medical exams promised to detect unseen degenerative diseases in seemingly healthy adults, bringing the term “ (31). Public health efforts to expand beyond infectious diseases bolstered the new category of chronic disease. Finally, a series of local surveys linked welfare dependence to chronic illness.
Two mid-twentieth-century developments subsequently “catapulted” chronic disease to the status of the “nation's number one health problem” (101–2). The National Health Survey on Chronic Disease and Disability (1935–36) began reporting sickness through a metric borrowed from unemployment surveys, known as “days of disability.” Although the category lumped together the effects of widely dissimilar conditions—respiratory diseases, orthopedic impairments, blindness, deafness, and cardiovascular diseases—it allowed health reformers to depict a dire picture of health in working-age Americans. Growing concern with chronic disease also spurred unprecedented alliances between policymakers and medical, public health, welfare, and hospital associations. Recommendations produced by joint organizations such as the Commission on Chronic Illness often addressed the problems of chronic disease and aging separately, arguing that treatment details should be based on medical need rather than age. Although the Medicare Amendment to the Social Security Act (1965) directly linked the problems of the elderly with their health concerns, for the first half of the twentieth century, chronic disease became a potent concept for health policy discussions through its importance to the health of working-age Americans.
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