How do you know that education of girls was neglected in British times ?
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Education in India in the early 19th century was largely distributed on the basis of caste system. The Brahmins who constituted the priestly class went through formal schooling in order to learn religious instructions through the study of religious literature. The Kshatriyas and Vaishyas were given vocational education in schools with very little emphasis on reading sacred texts. Since most of the local traders, Government servants and landlords came from these castes, they were taught to read, write and do the basic arithmetic needed for their work. The Shudras were denied religious education and were mainly trained in practical skills of the family occupation by the adults of the family (Naik & Nurullah, 2004). Formal school education was nearly inaccessible for the Shudras as well as women from all the castes; upper class women being an exception who were allowed to study classical literature and the religious texts. Girls from all the classes were trained in child-rearing practices, practical skills like cooking, sewing and other household arts. Muslim girls were able to read the Quran as was expected from them and some women were taught accounting in order to tackle property-related issues. The survey of indigenous education conducted by the British government in the Bombay presidency from 1823-1825 by Mountstuart Elphinstone, Governor of Bombay stated that there were no school for girls and the common schools catered only to boys (Naik & Nurullah, 2004). Similarly, the survey done by William Adam in Bengal Presidency from 1835-1838 showed that there was no formal female schooling except the home schools which taught household skills.
There were a number of reasons for which women were deprived from education. Child marriage was very much prevalent in the Hindu society which meant a girl was married to a middle-aged man before she attained puberty. There was a popular belief that if a girl is taught to read and write, her husband will die soon after the marriage leading to her widowhood . The customs that a widow had to follow during that period were so harsh that widowhood was considered as a curse. Hence, it was believed that to lead a happy life, a girl should pray for her husband’s long life instead of causing his death by getting educated. From the autobiography of Rassundari Devi, Amar Jiban (1876), it is evident that even if the girls were supported by their parents to receive a little bit of formal education before marriage, they were denied to read and write after marriage. She narrates how at a tender age of fourteen, she was burdened with household activities and later got engaged in her children’s lives thus left with little time to study anything. Although her efforts to learn reading was due to her ultimate desire to read Chaitanya Bhagavata, a religious text, her story tells the difficulties that a girl had to face physically as well as emotionally because of the ill custom of child-marriage and deprivation of education which consequently made her dependent on the ‘educated’ males of her life: father, husband and son.
While on the one hand there were social reformers like Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar, Jotirao Phule, Pandita Ramabai and many more who supported women’s education and went against the traditional society to provide education to girls, there were national figures like Balgangadhar Tilak and Vishnu Shashtri Chiplunkar on the other hand who voiced the opposition of the society to female education. Tilak asserted that education will be a hindrance for the women in performing their duties as a housewife and a mother and that English education will denationalise the women. He opposed the establishment of the first girls’ high school in Poona in 1884 started by M.G. Ranade stating that the curriculum for girls should be different from that of boys. It should consist of knowledge about vernaculars, needle work and sanitation instead of English, mathematics and sciences as given to boys. He stressed on giving moral and religious instruction through education and all these including household skills should be taught by native women and not the missionary women (Rao, 2007). He frequently cited the case of Rakhmabai. She fought a court case against her husband (to whom she was married in childhood) when he sought restitution of conjugal rights. The fact that she was educated and could articulate her troubles to gain public support and finally won the case became an instrument for Tilakites to elicit anger for English education of women from the conservative society. That Tilak was against English education for girls is evident from the following statement: “teaching Hindu women to read English would ruin their precious traditional virtues and would make them immoral and insubordinate”
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Education in India in the early 19th century was largely distributed on the basis of caste system. The Brahmins who constituted the priestly class went through formal schooling in order to learn religious instructions through the study of religious literature. The Kshatriyas and Vaishyas were given vocational education in schools with very little emphasis on reading sacred texts. Since most of the local traders, Government servants and landlords came from these castes, they were taught to read, write and do the basic arithmetic needed for their work. The Shudras were denied religious education and were mainly trained in practical skills of the family occupation by the adults of the family (Naik & Nurullah, 2004). Formal school education was nearly inaccessible for the Shudras as well as women from all the castes; upper class women being an exception who were allowed to study classical literature and the religious texts. Girls from all the classes were trained in child-rearing practices, practical skills like cooking, sewing and other household arts. Muslim girls were able to read the Quran as was expected from them and some women were taught accounting in order to tackle property-related issues. The survey of indigenous education conducted by the British government in the Bombay presidency from 1823-1825 by Mountstuart Elphinstone, Governor of Bombay stated that there were no school for girls and the common schools catered only to boys (Naik & Nurullah, 2004). Similarly, the survey done by William Adam in Bengal Presidency from 1835-1838 showed that there was no formal female schooling except the home schools which taught household skills.
There were a number of reasons for which women were deprived from education. Child marriage was very much prevalent in the Hindu society which meant a girl was married to a middle-aged man before she attained puberty. There was a popular belief that if a girl is taught to read and write, her husband will die soon after the marriage leading to her widowhood . The customs that a widow had to follow during that period were so harsh that widowhood was considered as a curse. Hence, it was believed that to lead a happy life, a girl should pray for her husband’s long life instead of causing his death by getting educated. From the autobiography of Rassundari Devi, Amar Jiban (1876), it is evident that even if the girls were supported by their parents to receive a little bit of formal education before marriage, they were denied to read and write after marriage. She narrates how at a tender age of fourteen, she was burdened with household activities and later got engaged in her children’s lives thus left with little time to study anything. Although her efforts to learn reading was due to her ultimate desire to read Chaitanya Bhagavata, a religious text, her story tells the difficulties that a girl had to face physically as well as emotionally because of the ill custom of child-marriage and deprivation of education which consequently made her dependent on the ‘educated’ males of her life: father, husband and son.
While on the one hand there were social reformers like Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar, Jotirao Phule, Pandita Ramabai and many more who supported women’s education and went against the traditional society to provide education to girls, there were national figures like Balgangadhar Tilak and Vishnu Shashtri Chiplunkar on the other hand who voiced the opposition of the society to female education. Tilak asserted that education will be a hindrance for the women in performing their duties as a housewife and a mother and that English education will denationalise the women. He opposed the establishment of the first girls’ high school in Poona in 1884 started by M.G. Ranade stating that the curriculum for girls should be different from that of boys. It should consist of knowledge about vernaculars, needle work and sanitation instead of English, mathematics and sciences as given to boys. He stressed on giving moral and religious instruction through education and all these including household skills should be taught by native women and not the missionary women (Rao, 2007). He frequently cited the case of Rakhmabai. She fought a court case against her husband (to whom she was married in childhood) when he sought restitution of conjugal rights. The fact that she was educated and could articulate her troubles to gain public support and finally won the case became an instrument for Tilakites to elicit anger for English education of women from the conservative society. That Tilak was against English education for girls is evident from the following statement: “teaching Hindu women to read English would ruin their precious traditional virtues and would make them immoral and insubordinate”
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