Mahatma Gandhi par letter
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November ,
DEAR FRIEND,
That I address you as a friend is no formality. I own no foes. My business in life has been for the past 33 years to enlist the friendship of the whole of humanity by befriending mankind, irrespective of race, colour or creed.
I hope you will have the time and desire to know how a good portion of humanity who have view living under the influence of that doctrine of universal friendship view your action. We have no doubt about your bravery or devotion to your fatherland, nor do we believe that you are the monster described by your opponents. But your own writings and pronouncements and those of your friends and admirers leave no room for doubt that many of your acts are monstrous and unbecoming of human dignity, especially in the estimation of men like me who believe in universal friendliness. Such are your humiliation of Czechoslovakia, the rape of Poland and the swallowing of Denmark. I am aware that your view of life regards such spoliations as virtuous acts. But we have been taught from childhood to regard them as acts degrading humanity. Hence we cannot possibly wish success to your arms.
But ours is a unique position. We resist British Imperialism no less than Nazism. If there is a difference, it is in degree. One-fifth of the human race has been brought under the British heel by means that will not bear scrutiny. Our resistance to it does not mean harm to the British people. We seek to convert them, not to defeat them on the battle-field. Ours is an unarmed revolt against the British rule. But whether we convert them or not, we are determined to make their rule impossible by non-violent non-co-operation. It is a method in its nature indefensible. It is based on the knowledge that no spoliator can compass his end without a certain degree of co-operation, willing or compulsory, of the victim. Our rulers may have our land and bodies but not our souls. They can have the former only by complete destruction of every Indian—man, woman and child. That all may not rise to that degree of heroism and that a fair amount of frightfulness can bend the back of revolt is true but the argument would be beside the point. For, if a fair number of men and women be found in India who would be prepared without any ill will against the spoliators to lay down their lives rather than bend the knee to them, they would have shown the way to freedom from the tyranny of violence. I ask you to believe me when I say that you will find an unexpected number of such men and women in India. They have been having that training for the past 20 years.
We have been trying for the past half a century to throw off the British rule. The movement of independence has been never so strong as now. The most powerful political organization, I mean the Indian National Congress, is trying to achieve this end. We have attained a very fair measure of success through non-violent effort. We were groping for the right means to combat the most organized violence in the world which the British power represents. You have challenged it. It remains to be seen which is the better organized, the German or the British. We know what the British heel means for us and the non-European races of the world. But we would never wish to end the British rule with German aid. We have found in non-violence a force which, if organized, can without doubt match itself against a combination of all the most violent forces in the world. In non-violent technique, as I have said, there is no such thing as defeat. It is all ‘do or die’ without killing or hurting. It can be used practically without money and obviously without the aid of science of destruction which you have brought to such perfection. It is a marvel to me that you do not see that it is nobody’s monopoly. If not the British, some other power will certainly improve upon your method and beat you with your own weapon. You are leaving no legacy to your people of which they would feel proud. They cannot take pride in a recital of cruel deed, however skilfully planned. I, therefore, appeal to you in the name of humanity to stop the war. You will lose nothing by referring all the matters of dispute between you and Great Britain to an international tribunal of your joint choice. If you attain success in the war, it will not prove that you were in the right. It will only prove that your power of destruction was greater. Whereas an award by an impartial tribunal will show as far as it is humanly possible which party was in the right.
You know that not long ago I made an appeal to every Briton to accept my method of non-violent resistance. I did it because the British know me as a friend though a rebel. I am a stranger to you and your people. I have not the courage to make you the appeal I made to every Briton. Not that it would not apply to you with the same force as to the British. But my present proposal is much simple because much more practical
I am,
Your sincere friend,
ssabiq .rather
November ,
DEAR FRIEND,
That I address you as a friend is no formality. I own no foes. My business in life has been for the past 33 years to enlist the friendship of the whole of humanity by befriending mankind, irrespective of race, colour or creed.
I hope you will have the time and desire to know how a good portion of humanity who have view living under the influence of that doctrine of universal friendship view your action. We have no doubt about your bravery or devotion to your fatherland, nor do we believe that you are the monster described by your opponents. But your own writings and pronouncements and those of your friends and admirers leave no room for doubt that many of your acts are monstrous and unbecoming of human dignity, especially in the estimation of men like me who believe in universal friendliness. Such are your humiliation of Czechoslovakia, the rape of Poland and the swallowing of Denmark. I am aware that your view of life regards such spoliations as virtuous acts. But we have been taught from childhood to regard them as acts degrading humanity. Hence we cannot possibly wish success to your arms.
But ours is a unique position. We resist British Imperialism no less than Nazism. If there is a difference, it is in degree. One-fifth of the human race has been brought under the British heel by means that will not bear scrutiny. Our resistance to it does not mean harm to the British people. We seek to convert them, not to defeat them on the battle-field. Ours is an unarmed revolt against the British rule. But whether we convert them or not, we are determined to make their rule impossible by non-violent non-co-operation. It is a method in its nature indefensible. It is based on the knowledge that no spoliator can compass his end without a certain degree of co-operation, willing or compulsory, of the victim. Our rulers may have our land and bodies but not our souls. They can have the former only by complete destruction of every Indian—man, woman and child. That all may not rise to that degree of heroism and that a fair amount of frightfulness can bend the back of revolt is true but the argument would be beside the point. For, if a fair number of men and women be found in India who would be prepared without any ill will against the spoliators to lay down their lives rather than bend the knee to them, they would have shown the way to freedom from the tyranny of violence. I ask you to believe me when I say that you will find an unexpected number of such men and women in India. They have been having that training for the past 20 years.
We have been trying for the past half a century to throw off the British rule. The movement of independence has been never so strong as now. The most powerful political organization, I mean the Indian National Congress, is trying to achieve this end. We have attained a very fair measure of success through non-violent effort. We were groping for the right means to combat the most organized violence in the world which the British power represents. You have challenged it. It remains to be seen which is the better organized, the German or the British. We know what the British heel means for us and the non-European races of the world. But we would never wish to end the British rule with German aid. We have found in non-violence a force which, if organized, can without doubt match itself against a combination of all the most violent forces in the world. In non-violent technique, as I have said, there is no such thing as defeat. It is all ‘do or die’ without killing or hurting. It can be used practically without money and obviously without the aid of science of destruction which you have brought to such perfection. It is a marvel to me that you do not see that it is nobody’s monopoly. If not the British, some other power will certainly improve upon your method and beat you with your own weapon. You are leaving no legacy to your people of which they would feel proud. They cannot take pride in a recital of cruel deed, however skilfully planned. I, therefore, appeal to you in the name of humanity to stop the war. You will lose nothing by referring all the matters of dispute between you and Great Britain to an international tribunal of your joint choice. If you attain success in the war, it will not prove that you were in the right. It will only prove that your power of destruction was greater. Whereas an award by an impartial tribunal will show as far as it is humanly possible which party was in the right.
You know that not long ago I made an appeal to every Briton to accept my method of non-violent resistance. I did it because the British know me as a friend though a rebel. I am a stranger to you and your people. I have not the courage to make you the appeal I made to every Briton. Not that it would not apply to you with the same force as to the British. But my present proposal is much simple because much more practical
I am,
Your sincere friend,
ssabiq .rather
Answered by
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स्वतंत्रता के संघर्ष और प्रेरणा के लिए बापू को पत्र :
प्रिय बापू,
मुझे बहुत खुशी है कि मुझे आपको यह वादा करने वाला पत्र लिखने का यह शानदार मौका मिला है।
मैं सिर्फ यह कहना चाहता हूं कि मैं ब्रह्मांड की आवाज़ का प्रचार करने के अपने अद्भुत सिद्धांत का पालन करता हूं - एक आंख की बदले एक और आंख दुनिया को अंधा बनाती है। उस दिन से, मुझे पता चला है कि जो कुछ भी कारण हिंसा है, वह मुश्किलों से हमें सबसे कठिन प्रश्नों का समाधान नहीं देता है। लोग कह सकते हैं - यह कैसे संभव है? एकमात्र उत्तर मैं दे सकता हूं कि - बापू का जीवन पढ़ें।
अक्सर मेरे दोस्तों से बात करते समय, हम दुनिया को बदलने के लिए एक स्वर का उपयोग करते हैं और उस पल में, मुझे आपके शब्दों को याद है - परिवर्तन करने के लिए, परिवर्तन बनें। ये शब्द स्व-सुधारों पर रीडायरेक्ट करते हैं जो सभी का सबसे महत्वपूर्ण कारक है। अगर हम अंदरूनी को संशोधित नहीं करते हैं, तो कोई मौका नहीं है कि हम दूसरों के लिए बात करने में सक्षम होंगे।
आप पेशे से एक बैरिस्टर थे और आप एक शानदार और अमीर जीवन जी सकते थे, लेकिन आपने गणतंत्र देश बनाने के लिए अन्य महान स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों के साथ-साथ दक्षिण अफ्रीका के साथ भारत का नेतृत्व करना चुना। आपने न केवल एक स्वतंत्रता सेनानी के रूप में किया बल्कि आप भारतीयों के लिए अहिंसा के मार्ग का पालन करने के लिए एक बेहतर मार्ग दिखाया। आपके जीवन ने हमें सरल रहने और भीतर से शांतिपूर्ण रहने के लिए सिखाया।
जब मैं हाईस्कूल में था, तो मैंने सत्य के साथ प्रयोग करने का एक लेखन पढ़ा। आधुनिक दुनिया में, सच्चाई के मार्ग का पालन करके एक संत जीवन जीने के लिए पहाड़ियों को तोड़ने के रूप में कठिन है। तथ्य यह है कि आपने इसे दूर किया था। यही वह जगह है जहां प्रेरणाएं आईं।
आपके जीवन में, आप पवित्र शब्दों के साथ भारत जैसे देश की अगुआई करके स्वतंत्रता लाने के लिए संघर्ष कर रहे थे। स्वतंत्रता तलवारों की मदद से भी आई, लेकिन आपके रास्ते ने भी इसे आसान बना दिया।
हम आपको बुलाते हैं - बापू, राष्ट्र के पिता। इसका क्या मतलब है? आपका जीवन केवल यह नहीं है कि हम सभी दिल से आपका सम्मान करते हैं लेकिन आपके काम हमें सर्वशक्तिमान द्वारा प्रदान किए गए एक सुंदर जीवन जीने के लिए भी मार्गदर्शन करते हैं और इसके लिए हम आपके लिए आभारी हैं, बापू।
प्रिय बापू,
मुझे बहुत खुशी है कि मुझे आपको यह वादा करने वाला पत्र लिखने का यह शानदार मौका मिला है।
मैं सिर्फ यह कहना चाहता हूं कि मैं ब्रह्मांड की आवाज़ का प्रचार करने के अपने अद्भुत सिद्धांत का पालन करता हूं - एक आंख की बदले एक और आंख दुनिया को अंधा बनाती है। उस दिन से, मुझे पता चला है कि जो कुछ भी कारण हिंसा है, वह मुश्किलों से हमें सबसे कठिन प्रश्नों का समाधान नहीं देता है। लोग कह सकते हैं - यह कैसे संभव है? एकमात्र उत्तर मैं दे सकता हूं कि - बापू का जीवन पढ़ें।
अक्सर मेरे दोस्तों से बात करते समय, हम दुनिया को बदलने के लिए एक स्वर का उपयोग करते हैं और उस पल में, मुझे आपके शब्दों को याद है - परिवर्तन करने के लिए, परिवर्तन बनें। ये शब्द स्व-सुधारों पर रीडायरेक्ट करते हैं जो सभी का सबसे महत्वपूर्ण कारक है। अगर हम अंदरूनी को संशोधित नहीं करते हैं, तो कोई मौका नहीं है कि हम दूसरों के लिए बात करने में सक्षम होंगे।
आप पेशे से एक बैरिस्टर थे और आप एक शानदार और अमीर जीवन जी सकते थे, लेकिन आपने गणतंत्र देश बनाने के लिए अन्य महान स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों के साथ-साथ दक्षिण अफ्रीका के साथ भारत का नेतृत्व करना चुना। आपने न केवल एक स्वतंत्रता सेनानी के रूप में किया बल्कि आप भारतीयों के लिए अहिंसा के मार्ग का पालन करने के लिए एक बेहतर मार्ग दिखाया। आपके जीवन ने हमें सरल रहने और भीतर से शांतिपूर्ण रहने के लिए सिखाया।
जब मैं हाईस्कूल में था, तो मैंने सत्य के साथ प्रयोग करने का एक लेखन पढ़ा। आधुनिक दुनिया में, सच्चाई के मार्ग का पालन करके एक संत जीवन जीने के लिए पहाड़ियों को तोड़ने के रूप में कठिन है। तथ्य यह है कि आपने इसे दूर किया था। यही वह जगह है जहां प्रेरणाएं आईं।
आपके जीवन में, आप पवित्र शब्दों के साथ भारत जैसे देश की अगुआई करके स्वतंत्रता लाने के लिए संघर्ष कर रहे थे। स्वतंत्रता तलवारों की मदद से भी आई, लेकिन आपके रास्ते ने भी इसे आसान बना दिया।
हम आपको बुलाते हैं - बापू, राष्ट्र के पिता। इसका क्या मतलब है? आपका जीवन केवल यह नहीं है कि हम सभी दिल से आपका सम्मान करते हैं लेकिन आपके काम हमें सर्वशक्तिमान द्वारा प्रदान किए गए एक सुंदर जीवन जीने के लिए भी मार्गदर्शन करते हैं और इसके लिए हम आपके लिए आभारी हैं, बापू।
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