Quaid-e-Azam demanded provincial autonomy to all the federating units, but Centre refuses to give away all the powers and rights, it creates the mistrust between the centre and the provinces, which is core problem in Pakistan today.
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Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, has been a controversial figure in the Indian sub-continent, celebrated at home as Quaid-e-Azam or great leader and vilified in India as a Muslim bigot, who perpetuated Partition on communal grounds, leading to the attendant bloodshed in which millions died. Over decades, scholars and historians in both countries have written about this taciturn, but egotist chain-smoking dapper politician, offering conflicting, but seldom convincing, explanations for his argument that Muslim interests could not be safeguarded in a nation with numerical Hindu superiority. Ironically, however, in his initial years, especially after the Lucknow Pact of 1916, Jinnah was an equally fervent champion of Hindu-Muslim unity, scoffing at those who argued that the Muslims would be overwhelmed by the Hindu majority in a united India. And even though Jinnah’s later belief, that provided the ideological basis for the creation of Pakistan, was rudely discredited with East Pakistan breaking away to become Bangladesh in 1971, this Islamic canon inexplicably continues to endure amongst analysts and historians in the neighbouring state he founded.
But in Jinnah: His Successes, Failures and Role in History, professor Ishtiaq Ahmed offers fresh perspectives on Jinnah’s equivocal politics of ‘othering and polarisation’, his sanctimony, self-obsessed personality, and his Muslim dogmatism. Presenting some hitherto little known or published accounts Ahmed, a professor at Stockholm University, offers insights into Jinnah’s political transmogrification from a secular nationalist to that of a peeved, vituperative and ambitious Muslim separatist, and eventually the creator and head of an Islamist nation.
Ahmed’s fundamental argument is that Jinnah was a consummate tactician – with little or no long-term strategy or vision – and one who worked tirelessly to achieve his objective of creating Pakistan. But he remained deliberately ambiguous about the nature of the projected state. The author argues that any foray into this latter controversial arena would have weakened his vast support base that cut across varied Islamic sects, each with its own interpretation of its faith and, above all, the vision and outline of the nation to be created in its name. These disparate Islamic sects differed from one another as sharply as Jinnah claimed Muslims differed from Hindus. Hence, leaving the concept of Pakistan indistinct was simply a tactic that stood Jinnah in good stead in his mission of securing a Muslim state.
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