History, asked by gitakhatri30, 9 months ago

socialism war a radical idea,how?​

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Answered by aarukvin
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Answer:

THE RADICAL PERSPECTIVE

For the conservative, the Vietnam War was a victory for the enemy caused by our “timid” execution of the war. For the liberal, it was a tragic mistake by well-meaning rulers. For the radical, the Vietnam War was the result of French and American imperialism, or more specifically, it was mass murder, and its perpetrators were not erring statesmen, but simply criminals.

The conservative defends the existing property arrangements and laments the disruption to law and order caused by radical opposition. The liberal wants change within the system and writes letters appealing to the good conscience of the torturer. The radical buys a gun in case the Gestapo comes to his door next. The conservative appeals to law, the liberal to democracy, the radical to justice. The radical is distinguished both by his extreme opposition to existing injustice and by his vision of a better world. He is a revolutionary rather than a reformist.

The socialist movement has prospered mainly on the basis of its self-proclaimed radicalism. It has held its vision of a peaceful and prosperous society before the people. Marx advocated revolution to bring down the exploiting ruling class. Lenin proclaimed firm opposition to imperialism everywhere and urged the abolition of the bourgeois state and its replacement by something he believed to be entirely different, the workers’ state. The socialists have appealed to the oppressed all over the world, particularly in the Third World, and have often correctly identified their oppression as a manifestation of the American imperial State. To the extent that radical socialists have brought to the world’s attention this wholesale slaughter and imprisonment of innocent human beings and exposed the machinations of the CIA in this regard, to that extent all civilized human beings owe a deep debt of gratitude to radical socialism.

However, in addition to being in extreme opposition to the bourgeois state, radical socialists have always claimed to be offering a completely new and better economic system. As an alternative to the “anarchy” of capitalist production with its allegedly inherent business cycles, radical socialists have argued that the production of society be “rationally” coordinated from a Central Planning board. As an alternative to production for “selfish” profits, radical socialists have proposed production for “social” purposes, as “democratically” determined by the proletariat. As an alternative to the “cut-throat competition” of accumulating capitalists, radical socialists have promised a social system of uncompetitive worker solidarity. As an alternative to the free market where rent, interest, and profit are “appropriated” by the capitalists a new economic scheme is proposed whereby workers receive this “surplus value” in the form of higher wages and more “social services” from the workers’ state. And, ultimately, radical socialists have claimed, their society will achieve “full communism” accompanied by the “withering away” of the workers’ state.

“In communist society,” Lenin wrote, “… people will gradually become accustomed to observing the elementary rules of social intercourse … without force, without coercion, without subordination, without the special apparatus for coercion called the state.” (The State and Revolution)

This is the abolition of statism in the abstract the end of the “need for violence against people in general, for the subordination of one man to another, and of one section of the population to another.”

The last phrase was written by Lenin just a few months before he actually attained power in Russia and set about to achieve his dream. The fact that neither Lenin nor any other socialist leader who has ever gotten to power has achieved any of the fundamental proposals of the preceding paragraphs is not to be attributed to their hypocrisy, but rather to the incompatibility of their goals.

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