Speech on development and destruction?
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Okinawa is an island at the southernmost tip of Japan. About half the size of Hong Kong, its 1.4 million inhabitants include 45,000 US military personnel. In the 60 years since the war, 37 United States military bases have been constructed. They occupy nearly 20 percent of the total land area of the main island of Okinawa. Outlying atolls such as Tori Shima are used for live ammunition aircraft bombing practice, including reportedly, the use of depleted uranium. In addition to this, there are 29 maritime areas and 20 controlled air spaces designated as US Forces areas. This pattern of development has been highly destructive to a diverse and relatively untouched sub-tropical environment. For years campaigners have staged a continuing protest to halt the construction of yet another American military facility in Henoko, on the East coast of Okinawa. Earth Report reports on the arguments and the possible outcomes.
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After reading your recent article in Nepal Saptahik (Khancho Naya Shakitko), I thought back to 2011 when you had just become prime minister and came to New York to attend the UN General Session. As you will remember, the New School for Social Research invited you to speak on the topic, “The Relevance of Marxism Today”. As one of four invited commentators on your paper, I was asked to make brief remarks and then pose one specific question to you.
I described you to that audience as a practicing Marxist. The emphasis on “practicing” was directed at the audience, which included several varieties of armchair and theoretical Marxists and anti-Marxists pre-disposed to find you either too reformist or too radical. I further described you as ideologically neither neo- nor dogmatic. In other words, as a Marxist in the direct line, not of distorted Marxism(s) and Leninism(s), but of Marx and Lenin. Insofar as those remarks were directed at you, they were also my well- wishes for your prime-ministership.
I then described some of the challenges facing you in government: the interventionist foreign aid regime and its economic clout, the yet-to-be consolidated transformation from monarchy to republic, the historical role of India in shoring up Nepal’s political and military elite, the many forces determined to prevent any real transfer of power (regional, class, or ethnic) in the new federal set- up, the role of the “conflict resolution” industry that had set up shop in Kathmandu, etc.
Lastly, I posed a question the gist of which was this: With all these forces at work that are determined to ensure the continuation of a neoliberal development agenda, what— practically and specifically —do you think you may be able to achieve while prime minister? What part of a Marxist agenda for social and economic transformation do you think you may be able to set in motion?
At the time you just said you agreed with all my remarks; my question went unanswered. But during your time in office, you answered it clearly enough in actions and words. At first it seemed that the answer was that you were not able, under conditions of a coalition government and and other constraints, to set in motion any part of that agenda. That could be taken as quite natural. But when you willingly, insistently signed BIPPA it became undeniable that your real answer to the question was: I have no intention of implementing a Marxist agenda for social and economic transformation. You have subsequently confirmed that position in a number of written documents and interviews.
Getting right to the heart of the matter, the idea that “national industrial capitalism” must be developed rapidly and intensively, appears to have become the directing or dominant idea around which all else is organized. It appears to have dominated your thinking to such an extent that now you have even spun up a theory in which the correct, revolutionary way forward is to fuse “the best of” neoliberalism and Marxism into a new political force to carry out “economic and social revolution” that, when its content is examined, turns out to be neoliberalism’s agenda! Has the koili bird made a visit to Parisdanda too, while you weren’t looking? Can you now do nothing but helplessly wait and become mother and father to Nepali neoliberalism?
I do not think things are so inevitable. In fact, these positions you are putting forth are so contrary to the actual needs of the country that I had to ask myself, “how could he think that?”. Here is my answer which consists of a statement of your economic agenda as found in various documents, my critique of it, a concept-wise discussion of the more serious conceptual confusions I encountered and, finally, a setting out of some crucial issues facing Nepal and the world that should be central to discussions about reorganising left forces effectively. And yet, they are absent from discussion, which does not bode well for success. I hope that will change now that they have been brought to your attention.
In the “package politics” of the Constituent Assembly era, it has become popular to say there is “no alternative” —no alternative to whatever immediate tactical move leaders want to make in the ongoing tussle for power.
Hope it’s help you
Please plz mark me as brainliest
———✌️✌️———
I described you to that audience as a practicing Marxist. The emphasis on “practicing” was directed at the audience, which included several varieties of armchair and theoretical Marxists and anti-Marxists pre-disposed to find you either too reformist or too radical. I further described you as ideologically neither neo- nor dogmatic. In other words, as a Marxist in the direct line, not of distorted Marxism(s) and Leninism(s), but of Marx and Lenin. Insofar as those remarks were directed at you, they were also my well- wishes for your prime-ministership.
I then described some of the challenges facing you in government: the interventionist foreign aid regime and its economic clout, the yet-to-be consolidated transformation from monarchy to republic, the historical role of India in shoring up Nepal’s political and military elite, the many forces determined to prevent any real transfer of power (regional, class, or ethnic) in the new federal set- up, the role of the “conflict resolution” industry that had set up shop in Kathmandu, etc.
Lastly, I posed a question the gist of which was this: With all these forces at work that are determined to ensure the continuation of a neoliberal development agenda, what— practically and specifically —do you think you may be able to achieve while prime minister? What part of a Marxist agenda for social and economic transformation do you think you may be able to set in motion?
At the time you just said you agreed with all my remarks; my question went unanswered. But during your time in office, you answered it clearly enough in actions and words. At first it seemed that the answer was that you were not able, under conditions of a coalition government and and other constraints, to set in motion any part of that agenda. That could be taken as quite natural. But when you willingly, insistently signed BIPPA it became undeniable that your real answer to the question was: I have no intention of implementing a Marxist agenda for social and economic transformation. You have subsequently confirmed that position in a number of written documents and interviews.
Getting right to the heart of the matter, the idea that “national industrial capitalism” must be developed rapidly and intensively, appears to have become the directing or dominant idea around which all else is organized. It appears to have dominated your thinking to such an extent that now you have even spun up a theory in which the correct, revolutionary way forward is to fuse “the best of” neoliberalism and Marxism into a new political force to carry out “economic and social revolution” that, when its content is examined, turns out to be neoliberalism’s agenda! Has the koili bird made a visit to Parisdanda too, while you weren’t looking? Can you now do nothing but helplessly wait and become mother and father to Nepali neoliberalism?
I do not think things are so inevitable. In fact, these positions you are putting forth are so contrary to the actual needs of the country that I had to ask myself, “how could he think that?”. Here is my answer which consists of a statement of your economic agenda as found in various documents, my critique of it, a concept-wise discussion of the more serious conceptual confusions I encountered and, finally, a setting out of some crucial issues facing Nepal and the world that should be central to discussions about reorganising left forces effectively. And yet, they are absent from discussion, which does not bode well for success. I hope that will change now that they have been brought to your attention.
In the “package politics” of the Constituent Assembly era, it has become popular to say there is “no alternative” —no alternative to whatever immediate tactical move leaders want to make in the ongoing tussle for power.
Hope it’s help you
Please plz mark me as brainliest
———✌️✌️———
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