Question

Summarise this paragraph.

Over-centralised England and set sweeping eight-year
targets against which departments will be judged each year. There are useful
initiatives such as the three innovation clusters to push science spending outside
the south.
But while few can doubt the ambition, there are four major reasons for a serious
dose of realism. They are the Treasury, the weakness of the prime minister, the
costs of the pandemic and the short-termism of politicians and the public.
The biggest issue is the Treasury, which squats like a complacent toad over all
policy. Its groupthink, innate fiscal orthodoxy and general resistance to the
devolution have long made it a block to progress.
Those around Gove talk about the need to “rewire the blob”. So far this mainly
means moving civil servants out of London. But Whitehall will never be rewired
until the Treasury is reformed. Johnson’s former strategist Dominic Cummings
saw this when he schemed to make Rishi Sunak chancellor, with a joint policy unit
reporting to him in Number 10, and tried to oust the top official. But the
department has absorbed the already fiscally conservative chancellor.
The Treasury’s reluctance to embrace the mission is obvious. It has been
ungenerous on skills, though some also blame a reluctance in the Department for
Education to devolve powers. Investment in further education will be lower in
2025 than it was in 2010. Even some infrastructure goals are unambitious: the
2030 nationwide broadband goal is a 4G target.
The Treasury supports investing in cities but is less enthused about towns. It’s
centralising instincts mean it blocked new tax powers for mayors. Gove lost a fight
to win them some control over commercial property taxes. Funding pots remain
mostly governed by the centre, while pilot schemes to give extra powers to the
Greater Manchester and West Midlands mayors are still “a blank sheet”, according
to one minister

Answer 1

Answer:

Summarise this paragraph.

Over-centralised England and set sweeping eight-year

targets against which departments will be judged each year. There are useful

initiatives such as the three innovation clusters to push science spending outside

the south.

But while few can doubt the ambition, there are four major reasons for a serious

dose of realism. They are the Treasury, the weakness of the prime minister, the

costs of the pandemic and the short-termism of politicians and the public.

The biggest issue is the Treasury, which squats like a complacent toad over all

policy. Its groupthink, innate fiscal orthodoxy and general resistance to the

devolution have long made it a block to progress.

Those around Gove talk about the need to “rewire the blob”. So far this mainly

means moving civil servants out of London. But Whitehall will never be rewired

until the Treasury is reformed. Johnson’s former strategist Dominic Cummings

saw this when he schemed to make Rishi Sunak chancellor, with a joint policy unit

reporting to him in Number 10, and tried to oust the top official. But the

department has absorbed the already fiscally conservative chancellor.

The Treasury’s reluctance to embrace the mission is obvious. It has been

ungenerous on skills, though some also blame a reluctance in the Department for

Education to devolve powers. Investment in further education will be lower in

2025 than it was in 2010. Even some infrastructure goals are unambitious: the

2030 nationwide broadband goal is a 4G target.

The Treasury supports investing in cities but is less enthused about towns. It’s

centralising instincts mean it blocked new tax powers for mayors. Gove lost a fight

to win them some control over commercial property taxes. Funding pots remain

mostly governed by the centre, while pilot schemes to give extra powers to the

Greater Manchester and West Midlands mayors are still “a blank sheet”, according

to one minister

Answer 2

They are the Treasury, the weakness of the prime minister, the costs of the pandemic and the short-termism of politicians and the public. The biggest issue is the Treasury, which squats like a complacent toad over all policy. The Treasury’s reluctance to embrace the mission is obvious. Education to devolve powers.

It’s centralising instincts mean it blocked new tax powers for mayors. Funding pots remain mostly governed by the centre, while pilot schemes to give extra powers to the.