The above picture is of these Mughal period officials. Now the people would bring their problems and the king would solve their problems. I would have made big decisions.Were It was all time and the eagle was flying.Over time, the name Iran also changed in importance.Look carefully at the picture given in the inn. This HouseThe name reflects the current situation.. How do you compare these two pictures and IranThe story of the name from theMughal period till now was inits own form. When writing a biography, make sure that it uses all kinds of knowledge.
Please do it even it english.but if u do it in english i will only make u brainlest and thank you and if u do it in urdu i will thank all your answers and follow u and make u brainlest and thank you
Answers
is ⁹e3, they do not necessarily look in depth at Iranian people within it. As a result, certain key questions remain unclarified, such as the region of Iran they came from, the type of people who emigrated to India, their status and occupations before going to India, and the reason for their immigration.
4 hal empire.
3Before beginning to analyse the source, we must confront certain delicate problems, unavoidable when dealing with the international relations of the period under discussion. The first concerns the definition of Iran, and, more particularly, who the Iranian people were. Of course Iran did not exist as a state. In the Ma’âṣer al-omarâ, people from what is geographically Iran are usually described as either men of Khorasan or men of Iraq. In fact, the notion of Iran as a state is a very modern one. To be precise, this study should refer to the “Iranian people” as “people from the Safavid territory”. This term of reference however is long-winded and not very practical; here “Iranian people” will be employed for convenience’s sake.
4A further problem is that the Safavid territory was not always fixed; in Khorasan in the east and in Azerbaijan in the west especially, the border changed a number of times. As a result, even if the Ma’âṣer al-omarâ states that a certain person came from Khorasan, as is often the case, unless it mentions the time of immigration, it is impossible to tell whether he came from Safavid territory or not. This study therefore employs a rough solution, and defines all people coming from Khorasan, except Balkh and its vicinity, as Iranian, without taking the time of immigration into account. This solution may be criticized as being too Irano-centric. Nevertheless, the general tendencies of Iranian immigration can still be discerned, despite this simplification.
7 Though Athar Ali makes a distinction between those who came from Iran and those who were born in Ir (...)
5One more problem remains. This study considers, at least statistically, both Iranian immigrants and their descendants as being the same “Iranian people”. This too may be criticized as another rough solution, for certainly there must have existed some differences in mentality, ways of thinking, and ways of acting between the immigrants themselves and their descendants. Iranian immigrants often married indigenous women and in that case their descendants cannot be simply defined Iranian even from the ethnic point of view. Nevertheless, it does not seem totally meaningless to group them all as Iranian people, because there did exist throughout Mughal history an influential Iranian group at the court composed not only of immigrants themselves but their descendants, and it was reinforced continually by newcomers from Iran. Furthermore, studies by Indian scholars concerning the Mughal nobility at a specific period do not discriminate between newcomers and their descendants7.
Numbers, time of immigration and origin of Iranian people
8 We could easily diminish the number of people whose origin is not known in MU by consulting Athar A (...)
9 Iqtidar Alam Khan, “The Nobility under Akbar”, p. 35.
10 Richards, Cambridge History of India, p. 145.
11 Athar Ali, The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb, p. 19-20,35. Athar Ali regards people receiving ove (...)
6Among the 738 notables included in the Ma’âṣer al-omarâ, at least 198 (26.8 per cent) were either immigrants from Iran or their descendants. This number may be even higher, because there are still 205 people whose origins have not been completely clarified8. We know from other studies on Mughal notables that the relative proportion of the Iranian elite was 25.54 per cent in 1575-959, 28.4 per cent in 1647-4810, 27.8 per cent in 1658-78 and 21.9 per cent in 1679-170711. This proportion corresponds well with that of our source and it is safe to say that twenty or thirty per cent of the elite at the Mughal court was Iranian throughout the period.
12 For an example of immigration at the beginning of the eighteenth century, see MU, vol. I, p. 463.
7Immigration continued without interruption from the sixteenth century until the beginning of the eighteenth, that is, throughout the Safavid period. There is known, for instance, a certain family whose ancestor came from Iran in the sixteenth century and whose descendants still retained an important political role in the eighteenth. The family of the author of the Ma’âṣer al-omarâ, Samsam al-Dowla’s, is a good further example. On the other hand, as will be shown below, new immigrants came from Iran in the seventeenth and at the beginning of the eighteenth century12. What is important is that Iranian immigration to India was not a temporary phenomenon belonging to a specific period.