what are the disadvantage of caste discrimination
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Answer:
Traditional hierarchies are too deeply entrenched to be reversed through one single measure; they need a concerted push, backed by strong will from different segments of society, including, but not confined to, politicians
The rise of Other Backward Classes (OBC) and Dalit-Adivasi leaders in the political sphere is celebrated as India’s “silent revolution.” At the national level, this phenomenon has been especially marked since the early 1990s, leading to comments about the “Mandalisation” of the Indian polity. The political ascendancy of individuals from traditionally marginalised groups has been viewed as a large enough flux that it is believed to have either reversed, or certainly flattened, the centuries-old traditional caste hierarchies. The contemporary caste system is often represented as one where horizontally placed entities compete for government favours and for a space among the elites, often using the trump card of marginalisation, despite being powerful, rich and dominant groups within their local contexts. The pictures vary depending on the commentator: it is either one of competition between equals; or one where the upper castes are now the new marginalised and the so-called lower castes, especially the OBCs, the new elite. A running theme underlying these analyses is one that minimises the actual extent of disadvantage and discrimination, and celebrates the end of the caste system, or at least its dehumanising, hierarchical and exploitative avatar.
Change in political sphere
Indeed, the change in the political sphere is rather striking, especially in the Hindi belt. Until the early 1970s, upper caste Members of Parliament represented more than 50 per cent of North Indian MPs, compared to 5 per cent for the intermediate castes and at most 10 per cent for OBCs. In the South (and also in Maharashtra), due to a combination of reasons, including a long history of intense social reform movements, upper castes lost their predominant position in the political sphere rather early on. Even though the implementation of the Mandal Commission report is seen as “the” turning point, in actual fact, the share of intermediate castes and OBCs started rising in 1977. By 1989, upper caste MPs from Uttar Pradesh fell below 40 per cent for the first time, and the OBC share was 21 per cent. The same trend was getting reflected in the State Assemblies: e.g. in Uttar Pradesh, the share of upper caste MLAs decreased from 58 per cent in 1962 to 37.7 per cent in 1998.
Has this shift in the social composition of political leaders led to a corresponding change in material conditions of broad caste groups? The “OBCs-are-the-new-elite” theory certainly believes that it has: the personal enrichment of individual political leaders, coupled with some rags-to-riches stories are offered as evidence of this change. However, like several debates, this one has generated more heat than light, because these individual stories, dramatic as they are, do not give any sense of the broader contours of change in the relative ranking of the three broad social groups — Dalits-Adivasis, OBCs and “Others” (everyone else). In the absence of jati-specific data, “Others” are often taken as a loose proxy for upper castes, but it should be noted that the actual disparity between upper and lower castes would be larger than what is revealed by these broad data categories. Also, the OBC category in these data sets is the legal one, i.e. all jatis classified as OBCs, including dominant castes. Thus, the gaps between the truly “backward” OBCs and upper castes would be larger than what are revealed by aggregate data.
Answer:
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