what circumstances led to the formation of the provisional government
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The period of competition for authority ended in late October 1917, when Bolsheviks routed the ministers of the Provisional Government in the events known as the "October Revolution", and placed power in the hands of the soviets, or "workers' councils," which had given their support to the Bolsheviks led by Vladmir
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The Provisional Government inherited political authority after the abdication of Nicholas II. It enjoyed a brief honeymoon period marked by hope, optimism and public support. But the Provisional Government was soon confronted by the same policy issues that had undermined and destroyed tsarism. The abdication of Nicholas II might have relaxed the mood of the people – but it did not bring bread or coal into Petrograd. Even more pressing was the question of Russia’s involvement in World War I. Many argued that it should seek peace terms from Germany and withdraw from the war, to ease pressure on its economy and people and to manage its political reformation. Others believed that Russia, having made promises to its allies in 1914, should honour them. The Provisional Government chose the latter path, a decision that eventually proved fatal. By the end of July 1917, the Provisional Government was disregarded, disrespected and almost powerless. The question was not whether it would survive but when it would fall.
The core of the new government was drawn from a provisional committee of Duma deputies, assembled at the beginning of the unrest that became the February Revolution. On March 2nd, hours after Nicholas II abdicated the throne, the committee shed three of its Octobrist members and reformed as the Provisional Government of Russia. In its first manifestation the Provisional Government contained 12 ministers, seven of whom were liberal Kadets. Its first prime minster was Prince Georgy Lvov, a minor royal and wealthy landowner who favoured a transition to a liberal-democratic government. The only true socialist in Lvov’s cabinet was Alexander Kerensky, a Socialist-Revolutionary who had led the Trudovik labour faction in the Duma. On March 3rd the Provisional Government issued a manifesto containing eight principles by which it would function. The first four of these were the most significant:
As its name suggests, the Provisional Government was only a transitional regime, formed to oversee Russia’s transformation from tsarism to a democratically elected Constituent Assembly. Most expected elections for this Constituent Assembly to be organised within six months, certainly well before the end of 1917. In the meantime, the Provisional Government attempted to rule as one might expect an elected government to rule. But this itself was problematic, for several reasons. Though its members were drawn from the Duma, the Provisional Government had no mandate; it had not been selected or endorsed by the people. Russians were aware that it was a temporary government, so its laws and decrees were not always respected or taken seriously. As the year progressed, the Provisional Government found it more and more difficult to see its policies through to completion. By the summer the government was largely impotent and its most of its directives were carried out partially or half-heartedly, if at all. One contemporary observer dubbed it the “Persuasive Government”, since it had to cajole or convince to get things done.
A meeting of the Petrograd Soviet in 1917.
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The Provisional Government inherited political authority after the abdication of Nicholas II. It enjoyed a brief honeymoon period marked by hope, optimism and public support. But the Provisional Government was soon confronted by the same policy issues that had undermined and destroyed tsarism. The abdication of Nicholas II might have relaxed the mood of the people – but it did not bring bread or coal into Petrograd. Even more pressing was the question of Russia’s involvement in World War I. Many argued that it should seek peace terms from Germany and withdraw from the war, to ease pressure on its economy and people and to manage its political reformation. Others believed that Russia, having made promises to its allies in 1914, should honour them. The Provisional Government chose the latter path, a decision that eventually proved fatal. By the end of July 1917, the Provisional Government was disregarded, disrespected and almost powerless. The question was not whether it would survive but when it would fall.
The core of the new government was drawn from a provisional committee of Duma deputies, assembled at the beginning of the unrest that became the February Revolution. On March 2nd, hours after Nicholas II abdicated the throne, the committee shed three of its Octobrist members and reformed as the Provisional Government of Russia. In its first manifestation the Provisional Government contained 12 ministers, seven of whom were liberal Kadets. Its first prime minster was Prince Georgy Lvov, a minor royal and wealthy landowner who favoured a transition to a liberal-democratic government. The only true socialist in Lvov’s cabinet was Alexander Kerensky, a Socialist-Revolutionary who had led the Trudovik labour faction in the Duma. On March 3rd the Provisional Government issued a manifesto containing eight principles by which it would function. The first four of these were the most significant:
As its name suggests, the Provisional Government was only a transitional regime, formed to oversee Russia’s transformation from tsarism to a democratically elected Constituent Assembly. Most expected elections for this Constituent Assembly to be organised within six months, certainly well before the end of 1917. In the meantime, the Provisional Government attempted to rule as one might expect an elected government to rule. But this itself was problematic, for several reasons. Though its members were drawn from the Duma, the Provisional Government had no mandate; it had not been selected or endorsed by the people. Russians were aware that it was a temporary government, so its laws and decrees were not always respected or taken seriously. As the year progressed, the Provisional Government found it more and more difficult to see its policies through to completion. By the summer the government was largely impotent and its most of its directives were carried out partially or half-heartedly, if at all. One contemporary observer dubbed it the “Persuasive Government”, since it had to cajole or convince to get things done.
A meeting of the Petrograd Soviet in 1917.
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