Why is Rahul Gandhi, the weakest leader ever produce? And why is congress the all time weakest major party in this era?
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Answer:
In his ‘victory speech’ at the headquarters of his Bharatiya Janata Party on May 23, Prime Minister Narendra Modi used a phrase of just three simple Hindi words – Do Se Dobara − that accurately describes the trajectory of Indian politics in the past three and a half decades. The phrase means, literally, “From two to the second consecutive time”. The ‘Do’ in it refers to the number of seats the BJP had won in the eighth Lok Sabha elections in 1984. And ‘Dobara’, of course, describes the emphatic mandate the people gave to the party in the elections to the 17th Lok Sabha in 2019.
Psephologists and political pundits are still trying to decode the reasons for the renewed − indeed a bigger − mandate the BJP won last month. Not since 1971, it’s been noted, has an incumbent government with a clear majority in the lower house of Parliament returned to office with a larger majority.
Many factors are being analysed – polarisation of the electorate on communal lines; Modi government’s response to the terrorist attack at Pulwama and the aggressive narrative of national security and Hindutva nationalism it built during the campaign; the impact of the government’s social welfare schemes; and, above all, the disunity among opposition parties. The latter also failed to address the question uppermost in people’s minds – Modi nahin to kaun? (If not Modi, WHO?). The weightage to be given to these respective factors is also being debated simultaneously.
Unity Quotient: Very high in Sangh Parivar
To these factors must be added another, which brings into sharp focus the fundamental difference between the BJP and most other parties in India. We can call it the Unity Quotient (UQ). The BJP scores very high on UQ, whereas it is rather low for the rest, including the only other national party, Indian National Congress. “In unity lies strength” is an old adage. It explains why the BJP has grown from strength to strength since its formation in 1980, and why the Congress has become progressively weaker during the same period.
The BJP has never suffered a split in the four decades of its existence. Only two small cracks appeared in the party on its fringes, but they quickly disappeared without causing any lasting damage to it.
Kalyan Singh, its one-time tallest leader in Uttar Pradesh, went out of his party twice, in 1999 and again in 2010. But on both occasions he dissolved his breakaway organisation and returned to the mother party. Similarly, B.S. Yeddyurappa was, and continues to be, the BJP’s tallest leader in Karnataka. He became a rebel in 2012 and formed his own party, Karnataka Janata Paksha. Just two years later, he returned to the BJP.
Disintegration of the Congress Parivar
In contrast, the Congress has splintered several times, and in ways that have impaired it severely.
Today, there are at least three big states – Maharashtra, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh – where its breakaway factions, which became independent parties (Nationalist Congress Party, Trinamool Congress, YSR Congress Party, respectively), have grown bigger than the parent Congress party.
Just to get a sense of where the Congress stands vis-à-vis these parties, let’s look at their tallies in the most recent Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections. NCP has 5 MPs and 41 MLAs in Maharashtra (Congress 1 and 42); TMC has 22 MPs and 211 MLAs in West Bengal (Congress 1 and 44) and YSRCP has 22 MPs and 151 MLAs (Congress 0 and 0).
But this does not complete the picture of the disintegration of the Congress Parivar. Many non-BJP parties in other states also have their roots in the Congress. These include the various splintered units of the Janata Parivar. The Janata Party and its later incarnation, Janata Dal, got fragmented to create the Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Lok Dal in UP; Rashtriya Janata Dal in Bihar; Biju Janata Dal in Odisha; Janata Dal (Secular) in Karnataka; and Indian National Lok Dal in Haryana. Moreover, the leaders of two other important parties – N. Chandrababu Naidu of Telugu Desam and K. Chandrasekhar Rao of Telangana Rashtra Samithi – had also begun their political careers in the Congress party.