CASE STUDY-KARNATAKA
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The Karnataka study for 1973-74 is based on a fairly large sample of 76 villages, 38 urban centres and 3330 households. Of the total households 73 per cent are untouchables (Parvathamma 1984). Little more than half of the untouchable respondents were not allowed to draw water from the public well in the village. The magnitude of the problem was much less severe in urban centers, but even in urban areas 15 per cent of the respondents were not allowed to draw water from public water sources. The practice of untouchability was more widespread in the access to the village temple and in access to high-caste houses. In both cases more than 60 % of the former untouchables were not allowed entrance. When it comes to the public sphere, like the teashop, it is not far behind the temple regarding discrimination. A little less than half of the former untouchables were not allowed free access to the local village teashop two decades after the Anti-Untouchability Act of 1955 came into force. In the urban areas the discrimination is much less (only 6 % find themselves discriminated against).
In essential services, the practice of untouchability was widespread. Little more than half of the respondents did not receive the services of a barber and washerman in the village. In urban areas the access had improved considerably. Most of the respondents, however, had non-discriminatory access to the service of tailors.
In public services like post-office, health and education for example, the practice of untouchability was much less. Almost all had access to postal services, but half of the respondents faced some kind of discrimination, in so far as the postmen avoided entering residential areas of former untouchables, opting to hand over the mail to a formerly untouchable person of the locality for distribution. Generally, discrimination in the service rendered by the government doctors and nurses and the village school was less.
Still, in the early 1970s one out of ten persons among the SC were not allowed inside the village shops. One out of ten persons among them could not wear clothes of their own choice or ornaments, without being harassed. Nearly twenty years later another study was conducted in Karnataka by taking 941 respondents from 52 villages and from most of the districts (Khan 1995), (Table 3 & 4).
In the political sphere (i.e. sitting together or drinking tea in the village panchayat office) the discrimination was much less. Otherwise, not much had happened during the two decades since the former study was carried out. About three out of four respondents were denied entry into the village temple and also denied participation in religious processions. Social mixing or relations across caste barriers were also not allowed. Most people among the SC did not have free access to the water taps of the high-castes, and three-fourth of them had no access to the village tank. Comparing this study with the one carried out two decades earlier it could be seen that some change has occurred. The practice of untouchability was relatively less in the political sphere but its magnitude was still very high in access to the village temple, religious community events, high-caste water (public) taps, water (public) tank and in interpersonal social relations.
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