How politics, political ideologies, cultural variation and social differences affect the government management and regards to COVID-19 global pandemic?
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Answer:
Early in February, there was widespread and robust concern around the globe that an excessive reaction to the COVID-19 threat, whose impact was unclear, would lead to a severe slowdown of the global economy. President Trump presumably shared this concern to the point of being accused of having ignored the epidemic. Now, COVID-19 has wiped out every other news story. The internal politics of the United States, trade between the United States and China, tensions between Iran and the United States, Brexit, the Russian Federation and Ukraine, Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, not to mention North Korean nuclear proliferation — all have disappeared from the screens.
Katherine Barbieri
Political science associate professor and department vice chair Katherine Barbieri studies international relations and international political economy.
Initially, the fringe voices of the political right were particularly alarmed by COVID-19, while established liberals and their media allies were playing down the threat out of fear of giving aid and comfort to Sinophobia or populism. In March, the dynamic shifted. With the spread of the disease, Democrats abandoned their anti-quarantine stance in favor of reasonable panic, while conservatives split into two distinct camps. Some dusted off the classic themes of a conservatism that draws strength from external dangers, while others embraced a conservatism that we can define as a clannish denial. Lately, in the crisis, most conservatives and liberals have united in alarm at least over the disease and its impact on public health and the economy