List 5 ways to regulate free and fair elections
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When the French pulled out of Guinea in 1958, making it the first sub-Saharan African colony to gain independence from France, they literally left the country in disarray. Everything from the light bulbs to the birth certificates were taken or destroyed. Since then, the Republic of Guinea has been on a tumultuous road to development and democracy.
Though blessed with vast quantities of natural mineral wealth, including diamonds, gold, and some of the largest reserves of bauxite in the world, Guinea suffers from endemic corruption, political instability, and deep social fissures. These tensions fuel intense rivalries between ethnic groups, often resulting in violent clashes, delayed elections, and prolonged periods of social, economic and political strife.
After nearly three years of postponements, legislative elections were finally held this past September. They revealed serious shortcomings in the legal and institutional framework of Guinea’s electoral system. Now, with presidential elections less than two years away, there’s no time to waste in ensuring fundamental reforms are made.
What the 2013 Elections Revealed
Two main challenges surfaced during the elections: the weak and partisan structure of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which is in charge of the overall management of electoral process, and gaps in the Electoral Code and Constitution.
All those involved in the electoral process (including government and state institutions, the executive and legislative branches, and political parties themselves) urgently need to:
Reach consensus on the nature and depth of necessary electoral reforms. They must ascertain what can feasibly be done given the available time, political environment, and practicality of implementation.
Decide whether there should be a new type of INEC: perhaps one that is purely technical, or an external mechanism with organic functions and composition that would reassure political actors. Or, alternatively, internally reorganize the INEC altogether.
Reform the Constitution and Electoral Code, which remains unclear on how, exactly, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Electoral Commission collaborate on deadlines for centralizing results from the field and on procedures for electoral dispute settlements.
MARK BRAINLIEST
Though blessed with vast quantities of natural mineral wealth, including diamonds, gold, and some of the largest reserves of bauxite in the world, Guinea suffers from endemic corruption, political instability, and deep social fissures. These tensions fuel intense rivalries between ethnic groups, often resulting in violent clashes, delayed elections, and prolonged periods of social, economic and political strife.
After nearly three years of postponements, legislative elections were finally held this past September. They revealed serious shortcomings in the legal and institutional framework of Guinea’s electoral system. Now, with presidential elections less than two years away, there’s no time to waste in ensuring fundamental reforms are made.
What the 2013 Elections Revealed
Two main challenges surfaced during the elections: the weak and partisan structure of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which is in charge of the overall management of electoral process, and gaps in the Electoral Code and Constitution.
All those involved in the electoral process (including government and state institutions, the executive and legislative branches, and political parties themselves) urgently need to:
Reach consensus on the nature and depth of necessary electoral reforms. They must ascertain what can feasibly be done given the available time, political environment, and practicality of implementation.
Decide whether there should be a new type of INEC: perhaps one that is purely technical, or an external mechanism with organic functions and composition that would reassure political actors. Or, alternatively, internally reorganize the INEC altogether.
Reform the Constitution and Electoral Code, which remains unclear on how, exactly, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Electoral Commission collaborate on deadlines for centralizing results from the field and on procedures for electoral dispute settlements.
MARK BRAINLIEST
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