Partition of bengal conclusion
Answers
Answer:
The decision to effect the Partition of Bengal (Bengali: বঙ্গভঙ্গ) was announced on 19 July 1905 by the Viceroy of India, Curzon. The partition took place on 16 October 1905 and separated the largely Muslim eastern areas from the largely Hindu western areas. The Hindus of West Bengal who dominated Bengal's business and rural life complained that the division would make them a minority in a province that would incorporate the province of Bihar and Orissa. Hindus were outraged at what they saw as a "divide and rule" policy[1][2] (where the colonisers turned the native population against itself in order to rule), even though Curzon stressed it would produce administrative efficiency. The partition animated the Muslims to form their own national organization on communal lines. In order to appease Bengali sentiment, Bengal was reunited by Lord Hardinge in 1911, in response to the Swadeshi movement's riots in protest against the policy and the growing belief among Hindus that east Bengal would have its own courts and policies.
The Partition of Bengal in 1947:
The Mountbatten plan for the partition and independence of the subcontinent of India was accepted by Congress, League and Sikh leaders on 2nd June, 1947 and announced the next day on 3rd June. The last two and half month of British rule show the working out of the details of the Mountbatten plan at remarkable speed, for the political leaders of Bengal Hindus, Punjab Hindus and Sikhs hard now become more for that advocates of partition than the League itself.
As expected, the minority of members of the Bengal and Punjab assemblies who had been given the right to meet separately voted for partition. The Sind assembly opted for Pakistan. The league won the plebiscite ordered in the Muslim majority Sylhet district of Assam. Though the existing North West Frontier Province Assembly had a Congress majority and had a voted in favour of joining the constituent assembly, a plebiscite was still force on the province on the question of choice between joining India or Pakistan.
The Congress High Command protested, but did not make it a breaking point, nor did it insist either on a decision by universal franchise, or an inclusion in the choice before voters of the independent Pakistan option.
Conclusion:
Boundary lines drawn again at terrific speed and often ignoring local details, by two commissions both headed by the British lawyer Radcliffe who knew next to nothing about Indian conditions and geography. The attempts to combine communal with some economic and structure considerations caused a number of anomalies. Muslims presented the loss of Gurdaspur in Punjab and of Murshidabad and Nadia as well as Kolkata in Bengal, Hindus and Sikhs that of Lahore and the canal colonies of Khulna and Chittagong Hill tracts. But protests remained half-hearted for nothing was being allowed to stand in the way of the headlong rush of the Congress and League leaders towards power.
Mountbatten graciously agree to the Congress request to act as governor general of the new Indian Dominion. He was prevented from assuming the same office in Pakistan, too, only by Jinnah's desire to take it up.