Question

under normal conditions, economic independence follows job stability which is linked to leaving education and marriage

Answer 1

A large body of research in the United States and Europe has examined the effect of
economic resources, such as income and employment status, on the timing of entry into
marriage and cohabitation among young adults (Oppenheimer, Kalmijn, and Lim 1997;
Sweeney 2002; Xie et al. 2003; Domínguez-Folgueras and Castro-Martín 2008; Bracher
and Santow 1998; Jalovaara 2012). These studies show that young adults’ economic
resources have a significant impact on the likelihood of union formation, and extend our
understanding of marriage divergence between those with higher and lower levels of
these resources. Furthermore, comparative studies (Blossfeld 1995; Ono 2003) have
demonstrated that cross-national variations in social institutions, such as the education
system and labor market, are significantly associated with differing patterns in the
process of transition to marital union.
Though a growing number of studies on this topic have looked beyond the
Western world, still missing from the literature in an examination of marriage entry
among the young population in Korea. Over the past several decades Korea has
undergone remarkable economic development, and is now economically comparable to
many countries in Europe and North America. Furthermore, as in many Western
countries, younger Koreans’ marriage formation has transformed significantly: between
1981 and 2014 the mean age at first marriage increased by 6 years for men (from 26.4
to 32.4) and 7 years for women (from 23.0 to 29.8), and between 1980 and 2010 the
rate of those not marrying by age 40 increased from 4.7% to 37.9% for men and from
1.9% to 20.7% for women (Statistical Research Institute 2013). What makes these
trends particularly interesting is the context in which they occur. Alongside the changes
in marriage, women’s educational attainment and labor force participation have
increased rapidly, while young men’s economic position has deteriorated. Furthermore,
the labor market, education system, and cultural norms of Korea are distinctive. Taken
together, these issues make the experience of young people in Korea interesting to
compare with that elsewhere in the world. This paper provides this comparison by
examining the determinants of marriage entry in Korea over three decade-long cohorts.

Answer 2

Answer:

Answer :

• A large body of research in the United States and Europe has examined the effect of

• economic resources, such as income and employment status, on the timing of entry into

• marriage and cohabitation among young adults (Oppenheimer, Kalmijn, and Lim 1997;

• Sweeney 2002; Xie et al. 2003; Domínguez-Folgueras and Castro-Martín 2008; Bracher

• and Santow 1998; Jalovaara 2012). These studies show that young adults’ economic

• resources have a significant impact on the likelihood of union formation, and extend our

• understanding of marriage divergence between those with higher and lower levels of

• these resources. Furthermore, comparative studies (Blossfeld 1995; Ono 2003) have

• demonstrated that cross-national variations in social institutions, such as the education

• system and labor market, are significantly associated with differing patterns in the

• process of transition to marital union.

• Though a growing number of studies on this topic have looked beyond the

• Western world, still missing from the literature in an examination of marriage entry

• among the young population in Korea. Over the past several decades Korea has

• undergone remarkable economic development, and is now economically comparable to

• many countries in Europe and North America. Furthermore, as in many Western

• countries, younger Koreans’ marriage formation has transformed significantly: between

• 1981 and 2014 the mean age at first marriage increased by 6 years for men (from 26.4

• to 32.4) and 7 years for women (from 23.0 to 29.8), and between 1980 and 2010 the

• rate of those not marrying by age 40 increased from 4.7% to 37.9% for men and from

• 1.9% to 20.7% for women (Statistical Research Institute 2013). What makes these

• trends particularly interesting is the context in which they occur. Alongside the changes

• in marriage, women’s educational attainment and labor force participation have

• increased rapidly, while young men’s economic position has deteriorated. Furthermore,

• the labor market, education system, and cultural norms of Korea are distinctive. Taken

• together, these issues make the experience of young people in Korea interesting to

• compare with that elsewhere in the world. This paper provides this comparison by

• examining the determinants of marriage entry in Korea over three decade-long cohorts.