Write acknowledge for how French become republic country from monarchy
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The French republic is proclaimed on September 22, 1792. Without pomp and without solemnity: simply by a decree of the Convention which stipulates that from this day the public documents will be dated "of the year one of the republic". The caution of the conventionalists is easily explained: since the first days of the Revolution, the idea of a change of regime has had a hard time making its way, even among the most fierce opponents of the king.
In 1690, in his Universal Dictionary, Furetière defined the word "republic" in these terms: "State or popular government. And he adds: "The most flourishing republics have been those of Rome, Athens, and Sparta. Today, there is hardly a real republic whose government is absolutely popular; the Venetians and Genoese call their republics, though their government is oligarchic and in the hands of the nobles. The Republic of Letters is also called collectively speaking of all people of study. In the eighteenth century, most philosophers who criticize, in the name of the Enlightenment, the institutions and society of their time question not the monarchical regime, but absolutism and, relying especially on the English example, advocate a monarchy tempered by the existence of counter-powers. Even Jean-Jacques Rousseau, a supporter of the direct republic, believes that such a regime, once applicable in Greek cities or today in Geneva, is difficult to transpose in the great modern states. In fact, throughout the eighteenth century, the word "republic" remains of limited use. Admittedly, it is part of the teaching of Jesuit colleges and obligatory references to Greco-Roman antiquity, but concretely, it designates either a regime which is not monarchical but popular, in law if not in fact, or an organization whatever, like the Republic of Letters. It is still a vague word, innocent of the real and symbolic meaning of which two centuries of history of France have charged it, and especially those decisive months which go from spring 1789 to autumn 1792.
When the French took the floor in March 1789 to write their notebooks of grievances, none of them echoed the will, or even the wish, to see France replace the republic with the monarchy. On the contrary, most of them, while denouncing a thousand abuses that it is urgent to reform, express the attachment of the French to their "good king" and the confidence they place in his ability to carry out these reforms, from the moment he becomes acquainted with the sad realities of his kingdom. And yet, less than four years later, in September 1792, the republic is proclaimed. How and why did a vague and limited concept of employment be able to take on a positive meaning so quickly and win over it a majority of French, at least among those who, in Paris and in the departments, held the power or participated in one way or another in public affairs?
From the first debates in the National Assembly on the future Constitution, in September 1789, the deputies, all agreeing to retain the king the exercise of executive power, are divided on the limits that should be brought. For some, the king, who holds his power of the Assembly, therefore has more than a power subordinate thereto, and it is not possible to endow him with a right of veto on the decisions that 'she takes. For others, on the contrary, the king must be endowed with such a right, on pain of being deprived of any real power. A compromise is found with the formula of the suspensive veto by which the king can suspend for three successive legislatures the application of a decree of the Assembly. But the debate has revealed an essential cleavage: opponents of the veto, very minority, can be considered as potential Republicans, even if they do not claim the term then.
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Your answer :
The French republic is proclaimed on September 22, 1792. Without pomp and without solemnity: simply by a decree of the Convention which stipulates that from this day the public documents will be dated "of the year one of the republic". The caution of the conventionalists is easily explained: since the first days of the Revolution, the idea of a change of regime has had a hard time making its way, even among the most fierce opponents of the king.
In 1690, in his Universal Dictionary, Furetière defined the word "republic" in these terms: "State or popular government. And he adds: "The most flourishing republics have been those of Rome, Athens, and Sparta. Today, there is hardly a real republic whose government is absolutely popular; the Venetians and Genoese call their republics, though their government is oligarchic and in the hands of the nobles. The Republic of Letters is also called collectively speaking of all people of study. In the eighteenth century, most philosophers who criticize, in the name of the Enlightenment, the institutions and society of their time question not the monarchical regime, but absolutism and, relying especially on the English example, advocate a monarchy tempered by the existence of counter-powers. Even Jean-Jacques Rousseau, a supporter of the direct republic, believes that such a regime, once applicable in Greek cities or today in Geneva, is difficult to transpose in the great modern states. In fact, throughout the eighteenth century, the word "republic" remains of limited use. Admittedly, it is part of the teaching of Jesuit colleges and obligatory references to Greco-Roman antiquity, but concretely, it designates either a regime which is not monarchical but popular, in law if not in fact, or an organization whatever, like the Republic of Letters. It is still a vague word, innocent of the real and symbolic meaning of which two centuries of history of France have charged it, and especially those decisive months which go from spring 1789 to autumn 1792.
When the French took the floor in March 1789 to write their notebooks of grievances, none of them echoed the will, or even the wish, to see France replace the republic with the monarchy. On the contrary, most of them, while denouncing a thousand abuses that it is urgent to reform, express the attachment of the French to their "good king" and the confidence they place in his ability to carry out these reforms, from the moment he becomes acquainted with the sad realities of his kingdom. And yet, less than four years later, in September 1792, the republic is proclaimed. How and why did a vague and limited concept of employment be able to take on a positive meaning so quickly and win over it a majority of French, at least among those who, in Paris and in the departments, held the power or participated in one way or another in public affairs?
From the first debates in the National Assembly on the future Constitution, in September 1789, the deputies, all agreeing to retain the king the exercise of executive power, are divided on the limits that should be brought. For some, the king, who holds his power of the Assembly, therefore has more than a power subordinate thereto, and it is not possible to endow him with a right of veto on the decisions that 'she takes. For others, on the contrary, the king must be endowed with such a right, on pain of being deprived of any real power. A compromise is found with the formula of the suspensive veto by which the king can suspend for three successive legislatures the application of a decree of the Assembly. But the debate has revealed an essential cleavage: opponents of the veto, very minority, can be considered as potential Republicans, even if they do not claim the term then.
Good bye :)
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