Write an essay on the policy of reservation and its role in social transformation.
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Essay on Reservation Policy in India!
Initially, the percentage of reservation (in 1950 Constitution) provided reservation of 12.5 per cent for the SCs and 5 per cent for the STs but these percentages were subsequently enhanced in 1970 to 15 per cent and 7.5 per cent for SCs and STs respectively. The reservation was provided in jobs, admission to colleges and universities, and the central and state legislative assemblies.
Our Constitution guarantees/stipulates justice and equality of opportunity to all its citizens. It also recognizes that equal opportunity implies competition between equals, and not ‘un-equals’. Recognizing the inequality in our social structure, the makers of the Constitution argued that weaker sections have to be dealt with on a preferential footing by the state.
Initially, the percentage of reservation (in 1950 Constitution) provided reservation of 12.5 per cent for the SCs and 5 per cent for the STs but these percentages were subsequently enhanced in 1970 to 15 per cent and 7.5 per cent for SCs and STs respectively. The reservation was provided in jobs, admission to colleges and universities, and the central and state legislative assemblies.
The controversy is not about whether the President has constitutional power to suggest changes in the selection process. The issue is: if Chief Justice of India’s argument that merit alone is important in judicial appointments is logical, why cannot it be applied to other areas like educational institutions, science laboratories, etc., and if President’s view has logic, why can’t reservations be extended to armed forces, formation of cabinets, etc.
The Supreme Court ruling on the ceiling of the reservation limit at 50 per cent and subsequently, the passing of Tamil Nadu Reservation Act (1993) raising the reservation to 69 per cent and including this Act in the constitution by 85th amendment to take it beyond judicial review have opened the door with one state government after another rushing through similar kind of legislations. It is in this context that the issue of reservation assumes great importance.
It is in fact derecognising merit and depriving the more qualified. The SCs and STs in India together constitute 24.56 per cent (16.48% and 8.08% respectively) of the total population, OBCs 51 per cent, economically weaker sections (destitute) 10 per cent, and Muslims 12 per cent. All this adds up to 97.56 per cent. When nearly the whole country is backward, where is the justification for special measures for any particular section of the backwards?
Second argument is that we have tried out the reservation idea to improve the lot of the weaker sections for 50 years. If the reservations have really made no difference in their conditions so far, why persist with such an ineffectual arrangement? The reservation benefits are cornered by the creamy layer.
Third argument is that this (reservation) policy is being bartered for vote. There will be no objections if the reservations are provided for under the very concept of the equality of opportunity.
On the other hand, one view is that since the object of reservation (for SCs) has not been achieved, it should be continued for a few more decades. The other view is that it is time to phase out reservations slowly. This can be done either by removing the creamy layers or by letting the reservation percentages taper off to a vanishing point. In fact, this process should have been initiated much earlier. It would have indeed been a wonderful idea for our nation to enter the twenty-first century as a casteless society.
Our contention is that theoretically, it is inadmissible and practically difficult to scrap the policy of reservation. We agree with Roy Burman’s view that for some more years, reservation should be extended to SCs, STs and However, the policy of reservation has to be scientific and rational. In the given economic and political structure, caste (or birth or family) should not determine one’s life chances. It is assumed that SCs (and for that matter STs and OBCs also) represent a homogeneous group but actually they are a heterogeneous group.
Therefore, following B.S. Bhargava and Avinash Samal (1998: 518), it may be suggested that:
(i) Not caste but income should be given importance in determining backwardness;
(ii) The concept of creamy layer should be applied to SCs (and STs) also;
(iii) Reservation should be restricted only to the first generation beneficiaries. The candidates whose parents have already availed reservation facilities in securing a job should not be given the facility *-----*----*--
#I believe that it may helped yoy,By the way plz do follow me and mark my answer as brainlest
Initially, the percentage of reservation (in 1950 Constitution) provided reservation of 12.5 per cent for the SCs and 5 per cent for the STs but these percentages were subsequently enhanced in 1970 to 15 per cent and 7.5 per cent for SCs and STs respectively. The reservation was provided in jobs, admission to colleges and universities, and the central and state legislative assemblies.
Our Constitution guarantees/stipulates justice and equality of opportunity to all its citizens. It also recognizes that equal opportunity implies competition between equals, and not ‘un-equals’. Recognizing the inequality in our social structure, the makers of the Constitution argued that weaker sections have to be dealt with on a preferential footing by the state.
Initially, the percentage of reservation (in 1950 Constitution) provided reservation of 12.5 per cent for the SCs and 5 per cent for the STs but these percentages were subsequently enhanced in 1970 to 15 per cent and 7.5 per cent for SCs and STs respectively. The reservation was provided in jobs, admission to colleges and universities, and the central and state legislative assemblies.
The controversy is not about whether the President has constitutional power to suggest changes in the selection process. The issue is: if Chief Justice of India’s argument that merit alone is important in judicial appointments is logical, why cannot it be applied to other areas like educational institutions, science laboratories, etc., and if President’s view has logic, why can’t reservations be extended to armed forces, formation of cabinets, etc.
The Supreme Court ruling on the ceiling of the reservation limit at 50 per cent and subsequently, the passing of Tamil Nadu Reservation Act (1993) raising the reservation to 69 per cent and including this Act in the constitution by 85th amendment to take it beyond judicial review have opened the door with one state government after another rushing through similar kind of legislations. It is in this context that the issue of reservation assumes great importance.
It is in fact derecognising merit and depriving the more qualified. The SCs and STs in India together constitute 24.56 per cent (16.48% and 8.08% respectively) of the total population, OBCs 51 per cent, economically weaker sections (destitute) 10 per cent, and Muslims 12 per cent. All this adds up to 97.56 per cent. When nearly the whole country is backward, where is the justification for special measures for any particular section of the backwards?
Second argument is that we have tried out the reservation idea to improve the lot of the weaker sections for 50 years. If the reservations have really made no difference in their conditions so far, why persist with such an ineffectual arrangement? The reservation benefits are cornered by the creamy layer.
Third argument is that this (reservation) policy is being bartered for vote. There will be no objections if the reservations are provided for under the very concept of the equality of opportunity.
On the other hand, one view is that since the object of reservation (for SCs) has not been achieved, it should be continued for a few more decades. The other view is that it is time to phase out reservations slowly. This can be done either by removing the creamy layers or by letting the reservation percentages taper off to a vanishing point. In fact, this process should have been initiated much earlier. It would have indeed been a wonderful idea for our nation to enter the twenty-first century as a casteless society.
Our contention is that theoretically, it is inadmissible and practically difficult to scrap the policy of reservation. We agree with Roy Burman’s view that for some more years, reservation should be extended to SCs, STs and However, the policy of reservation has to be scientific and rational. In the given economic and political structure, caste (or birth or family) should not determine one’s life chances. It is assumed that SCs (and for that matter STs and OBCs also) represent a homogeneous group but actually they are a heterogeneous group.
Therefore, following B.S. Bhargava and Avinash Samal (1998: 518), it may be suggested that:
(i) Not caste but income should be given importance in determining backwardness;
(ii) The concept of creamy layer should be applied to SCs (and STs) also;
(iii) Reservation should be restricted only to the first generation beneficiaries. The candidates whose parents have already availed reservation facilities in securing a job should not be given the facility *-----*----*--
#I believe that it may helped yoy,By the way plz do follow me and mark my answer as brainlest
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